"Allan J. Lichtman investigates the foundations and history of conservative thought to identify and reveal the central crisis that lies at the heart of conservative principles and today's politics. He explores a century of American conservative politics to demonstrate that professed conservative principles-free enterprise, limited government, fiscal responsibility, states' rights, law and order, personal morality, and American sovereignty-are dispensable notions for public appeal only. Instead, conservatives have only consistently advanced their version of traditional Christian values and support for private (not free) enterprise. Lichtman provides a sweeping history of the American conservative movement from the end of World War I to the present day. He draws on leaders like Calvin Coolidge, Herbert Hoover, Richard Nixon, Ronald Reagan, George W. Bush, Donald J. Trump, and the conservative Democrats responsible for Jim Crow discrimination in the South. Contrary to those who have described Trump as a deviation from professed core principles, Conservative at the Core ultimately argues that Trump and his allies represents the culmination of the American conservative tradition, consistently upholding and fulfilling conservative nationalist values"-- Provided by publisher.

This book argues that the American conservative movement, as it now exists, does not have deep roots. It began in the 1950s as the invention of journalists and men of letters reacting to the early Cold War and trying to construct a rallying point for likeminded opponents of international Communism. The resulting movement has exaggerated the permanence of its values; while its militant anti-Communism, instilled in its followers, and periodic suppression of dissent have weakened its capacity for internal debate. Their movement came to power at least partly by burying an older anti-welfare state Right, one that in fact had enjoyed a social following that was concentrated in a small-town America. The newcomers played down the merits of those they had replaced; and in the 1980's the neoconservatives, who took over the postwar conservative movement from an earlier generation, belittled their predecessors in a similar way. Among the movement's major accomplishments has been to recreate its own past. The success of this revised history lies in the fact that even the movement's critics are now inclined to accept it.

Paul Gottfried's critical engagement with political correctness is well known. The essays in Revisions and Dissents focus on a range of topics in European intellectual and political history, social theory, and the history of modern political movements. With subjects as varied as Robert Nisbet, Whig history, the European Union election of 2014, and Donald Trump, the essays are tied together by their strenuous confrontation with historians and journalists whose claims about the past no longer receive critical scrutiny. According to Gottfried, successful writers on historical topics take advantage of political orthodoxy and/or widespread ignorance to present questionable platitudes as self-evident historical judgments. New research ceases to be of importance in determining accepted interpretations. What remains decisive, Gottfried maintains, is whether the favored view fits the political and emotional needs of what he calls "verbalizing elites." In this highly politicized age, Gottfried argues, it is necessary to re-examine these prevalent interpretations of the past. He does so in this engaging volume, which will appeal to general readers interested in political and intellectual history.

The Burke that emerges from Professor Kramnick's sensitive reinterpretation--the troubled ambivalent bourgeois--is vastly more interesting and truly significant than the mythic defender of the old order that generations have worshipped and misunderstood.

"These two long essays make up a short book, one full of depth and knowledge, in which Eva Brann gets at the roots of our thinking--without tearing things apart. Then: In the first, Brann parses out the schema and meaning of Herodotus's The History (The Persian Wars). She writes that Herodotus worked by indirection. Giving a full account of the Persians and the peoples who constituted their empire--and whose empire encircled the Greeks (thus the 'Greek center')--Herodotus delineates the essential difference between the Barbarians and the Greeks. This difference Brann calls Athens' 'elusive essence,' its freedom contrasting with the slavery upon which the Persian empire depended. Now: In the second essay, the author delves into what it means for a person to unite a disposition toward conservatism with a capacity to reiterate and rehearse events, scenes, and dramas in 'the conservatory of the imagination.' To uncover the meanings and consequences of this union--this imaginative conservatism--and the type of soul to which it applies, Brann offers twelve perspectives, starting with 'Temperamental Disposition,' and ending with 'Eccentric Centrality,' (without ever explicitly focusing on politics). Join her and you'll find both delight and education. Eva Brann is a member of the senior faculty at St. John's College in Annapolis, Maryland, where she has taught for fifty-seven years. She is a recipient of the National Humanities Medal. Her other books include Un-Willing, The Logos of Heraclitus, Feeling Our Feelings, Homage to Americans, Open Secrets/Inward Prospects, The Music of the Republic, and Homeric Moments (all published by Paul Dry Books)"--