In the pantheon of modern Jewish leaders, Chaim Weizmann is a giant. One of the founding fathers of the State of Israel and its first president, he was also a president of the World Zionist Organization, and an eminent chemist, for whom Israel's renowned Weizmann Institute of Science was named. Yet, until now, there has never been an authoritative biography of Weizmann that removed the layers of myth obscuring our image of the man. Both a personal portrait of a fascinating man and a far-reaching history of the Jews in the modern world, this book, written by one of America's leading authorities on Jewish history, delves into the factors that shaped Weizmann's personality and worldview. Though the book focuses on the making of Weizmann as a Zionist leader, it also lays the foundations for understanding his extraordinary achievements as a scientist. This volume, the first of two that will cover his entire career, ends when, at the age of 40, Weizmann is thrust onto the center stage of world politics as a major negotiator for the Balfour Declaration.

"The virtue of prudence suffuses the writings of Edmund Burke and Abraham Lincoln, yet the demands of statecraft compelled both to take daring positions against long odds: Burke against the seemingly inexorable march of the French Revolution, Lincoln against disunion at a moment when the Northern situation appeared untenable. Placing their statesmanship and writings in relief helps to illuminate prudence in its full dimensions: inflected with caution but not confined to it, bound to circumstance, and finding expression in the particular but grounded in the absolute. This comparative study of two thinkers and statesmen who described themselves as "Old Whigs" argues for a recovery of prudence as the political virtue par excellence by viewing it through the eyes, words and deeds of two of its foremost exemplars. Both statesmen deeply informed by the life of the mind, Burke and Lincoln illustrate prudence in its universal but also contrasting dimensions. Burke emphasized the primacy of feeling, Lincoln the axioms of logic. Burke saw British prudence emanating from the mists of ancient history; for Lincoln, America's soul lay in a discrete moment of founding in 1776. Yet both were moved by a respect for the mysterious and customary. Each maintained the virtue of compromise while adhering to immovable commitments. At a time when American politics, and American conservatism in particular, teems with a desire for boldness but also an innate resistance to schemes of social or political transformation, this book answers with a fuller and richer account of prudence as it emerges in the thought and action of two of the great statesmen and thinkers of modern times"--

Labour has been on a wild ride over the past thirty years. New Labour argued that we had no choice but to accept a globalized free market economy in which the race was to the swift, the open and the flexible. Corbynism reacted against this with a jumble of old school statism and identity politics. Both ultimately failed. In this book, Maurice Glasman takes the axe to the soulless utilitarianism and 'progressive' intolerance of both Blair and Corbyn. Human beings, he contends, are not calculating machines, but faithful, relational beings who yearn for meaning and belonging. Rooted in their homes, families and traditions, they seek to resist the revolutionary upheaval of markets and states, which try to commodify and dominate their lives and homes, by the practice of democracy, mutuality and pluralism. This is the true Labour tradition, which is paradoxically both radical and conservative - and more relevant than ever in a post-COVID world. This crisp statement of the real politics of Blue Labour - rather than the absurd caricature of its detractors - is Glasman's love letter to the left-conservatism that provides Labour's best chance of moral - and indeed electoral - redemption.

A brilliantly provocative history and analysis of Britain since World War II, identifying ten days that have influenced ten key aspects of our society

This book discusses the crisis of the early modern state in eighteenth-century Britain and sets it in its European context. The American Revolution and the simultaneous demand for wider religious toleration at home challenged the principles of sovereignty and obligation that underpinned arguments about the character of the state. At stake was a fundamental challenge to the way in which politics was described. The Americans and their British supporters argued that individuals, by voting and thinking freely, ought to determine the "common good." These influential ideas continue to resonate today in the principles of "one man, one vote" and "freedom of thought."

"For many years, the British Army was considered to have a particular expertise at counterinsurgency campaigning. John Newsinger's British Counterinsurgency challenges this view. The book examines the post-1945 campaigns in Palestine, Malaya, Kenya, Cyprus, South Yemen, Dhofar, Northern Ireland and most recently in Iraq and Afghanistan. It looks at the opponents the British faced, the methods that were used against them, the successes and the failures, and the reasons for these outcomes. It contests the British claim to have used minimum force in order to win hearts and minds, showing that as much force was used as was thought appropriate, that torture was widely used and that coercion was always more important than consent. The book ends with an assessment of the disastrous campaigns in Iraq and Afghanistan, with particular focus on the damage done to the British Army's reputation and credibility."--Back cover

The struggle between the main political parties has been reduced to an unpopularity contest, in which voters hold their noses and sigh as they trudge to the polls. Peter Hitchens explains how and why British politics has sunk to this dreary level - the takeover of the parties and the media by conventional left-wing dogmas which then call themselves 'the centre ground'. The Tory party under David Cameron has become a pale-blue twin of New Labour, offering change without alteration. Hitchens, a former Lobby reporter, examines and mocks the flock mentality of most Westminster journalists, explains how unattributable lunches guide coverage and why so many reporters - once slavish admirers of Labour - now follow the Tory line. This updated edition of Hitchens's The Broken Compass (2009) features a brand new introduction. In an excoriating analysis, Hitchens examines the Tory Party's record in government and opposition, dismissing it as a failure on all fronts but one - the ability to win office without principle. The one thing it certainly isn't is conservative.

304 pages.

This is the second of three volumes of posthumously collected writings of G. A. Cohen, who was one of the leading, and most progressive, figures in contemporary political philosophy. This volume brings together some of Cohen's most personal philosophical and nonphilosophical essays, many of them previously unpublished. Rich in first-person narration, insight, and humor, these pieces vividly demonstrate why Thomas Nagel described Cohen as a "wonderful raconteur.? The nonphilosophical highlight of the book is Cohen's remarkable account of his first trip to India, which includes unforgettable vignettes of encounters with strangers and reflections on poverty and begging. Other biographical pieces include his valedictory lecture at Oxford, in which he describes his philosophical development and offers his impressions of other philosophers, and "Isaiah's Marx, and Mine," a tribute to his mentor Isaiah Berlin. Other essays address such topics as the truth in "small-c conservatism," who can and can't condemn terrorists, and the essence of bullshit. A recurring theme is finding completion in relation to the world of other human beings. Engaging, perceptive, and empathetic, these writings reveal a more personal side of one of the most influential philosophers of our time.

The issue of devolution has often been one for polemic rather than reasoned analysis. This book places recent developments in the United Kingdom in their historical context, examining political and constitutional aspects of devolution in Britain from Gladstone's espousal of Home Rule in 1886 right up to the 1998 legislation governing the Scottish Parliament and the Welsh Assembly.As well as considering what devolution will mean for Scotland and Wales, and how it will work in practice, Vernon Bogdanor discusses parallels with earlier devolution debates, giving special attention to the issue of Irish Home Rule which dominated British politics from 1886 to 1914. He also examines the experience of devolution in Northern Ireland and analyses the 1998 Good Friday Agreement, as well as considering the impact and implications of the new arrangements for the government of Londonunder the Mayoral system implemented in May 2000.Devolution in the United Kingdom cuts across the boundaries of disciplines such as history, political science, and law, and will be required reading for anyone seeking to understand the significance of the most important constitutional development of our time.

Deals also with British antisemitism from Cromwell's time to the present. There were objections against the admission of Jews to England in 1655, as well as attempts to restrict their rights in the 17th-18th centuries. Discusses pre-World War I antisemitic writers (e.g. G.K. Chesterton, H. Belloc) and the eugenics movement. Racial antisemitism was almost non-existent before 1914. Antisemitism reached a peak in Britain in 1917-22, but it was milder than in other Western countries. Relates, also, to left-wing antisemitism between the two World Wars. Ch. 3 (pp. 280-363), "Anglo-Jewry and the Holocaust, 1933-1945", deals with the reactions of Jews and non-Jews to the rise of Nazism and the Holocaust. Nazi antisemitism aroused revulsion in British society, even among conservatives and pro-Germans. States that Britain did more for refugees from Germany than any other country. British Jewry did all it could to rescue Jews to the extent that it understood their situation. During the war and the hostilities in the Middle East, there was an upsurge of antisemitism in the country but it receded in the 1950s. Contends that antisemitism in Britain was always a marginal phenomenon.

Good plus/Good minus. First Edition Hardcover. No marks or inscriptions. Very clean very tight pages with unmarked black cloth boards, tanned and dusty page edges, slight fraying to top of spine and bumping to upper corners. Well-sunned dust jacket not price clipped or torn or creased with some rubbing and with nicks to spine ends. 356pp. Scarce First Edition of the anaysis of where Britain's Labour Party was politically around 1960 and how its leaders had dealt with the problems they had faced. It also covers Left wing minority groups.

William Whewell was one of the more prolific and influential writers of early Victorian England. This study reconstructs the historical origins of his two major works and evaluates their philosophical claims, and critically appraises Whewell's mature philosophical position.

Deals with capitalism. Weaving together economic and political history with the history of ideas, this book ranges across a broad spectrum of debates, from the 'Nairn-Anderson theses' to the contribution of J C D Clark and Alan Macfarlane, and over a wide variety of topics.

The statesman, scientist, and philosopher Francis Bacon (1561-1626) lived a divided life, and in the centuries since his death questions about his true nature have abounded. Deservedly called the "Father of Modern Science," and still best known today for his innovative method of scientific inquiry - a single deductive system covering the entire range of empirical research into the natural world - he spent most of his career immersed not in scientific research but in the cutthroat world of high politics. Was Bacon a noble scholar who longed for solitary contemplation of higher philosophical truths, or a conniving political crook? Was he a captive of his birth and upbringing, an innocent caught in a web of political intrigue? Was he a homosexual? Lisa Jardine and Alan Stewart boldly pursue the answers to these questions through a mass of previously untapped archival sources.

Title: The Beauties of England and Wales; or, Delineations, topographical, historical, and descriptive, of each country. Embellished with engravings. (vol. 1-6 by E. W. Brayley and J. Britton; vol. 7 by E. W. Brayley; vol. 8 by E. W. Brayley; vol. 9 by J. Britton; vol. 10, pt. 1, 2, by E. W. Brayley; vol. 10, pt. 3 by the Rev. Joseph Nightingale; vol. 10, pt. 4 by J. Norris Brewer; vol. 11 by the Rev. J. Evans and J. Britton; vol. 12, pt. 1 by the Rev. J. Hodgson and Mr. F. C. Laird; vol. 12, pt. 2 by J. N. Brewer; vol. 13 by the Rev. J. Nightingale; vol. 14 by Frederic Shoberl; vol. 15 by J. Britton, J. Norris Brewer, J. Hodgson, F. C. Laird; vol. 16 by John Bigland; vol. 17 by the Rev. J. Evans; vol. 18 by Thomas Rees.) L.P. Publisher: British Library, Historical Print Editions The British Library is the national library of the United Kingdom. It is one of the world's largest research libraries holding over 150 million items in all known languages and formats: books, journals, newspapers, sound recordings, patents, maps, stamps, prints and much more. Its collections include around 14 million books, along with substantial additional collections of manuscripts and historical items dating back as far as 300 BC. The HISTORY OF BRITAIN & IRELAND collection includes books from the British Library digitised by Microsoft. As well as historical works, this collection includes geographies, travelogues, and titles covering periods of competition and cooperation among the people of Great Britain and Ireland. Works also explore the countries' relations with France, Germany, the Low Countries, Denmark, and Scandinavia. ++++ The below data was compiled from various identification fields in the bibliographic record of this title. This data is provided as an additional tool in helping to insure edition identification: ++++ British Library Britton, John; Bigland, John,Braley; Wedlake, Edward 1801 18 vol. ; 8º. 10368.w.41.

Shipped from UK, please allow 10 to 21 business days for arrival. From Apes to Warlords, hardcover, Good, In good to very good condition. Some shelfwear, inscribed to free-end paper.