For more than forty years, the American government has struggled with the challenge of maintaining useful relations with a special breed of regime: one whose rulers profess a community of interests with the United States while they rule through authoritarian means. Relationships with such "friendly tyrants" almost invariably generate tensions between the need for prudent security strategies and the ideal of promoting liberty and human rights worldwide. The Devil and Uncle Sam: A User's Guide to the Friendly Tyrants Dilemma distills the policy lessons of over four decades and offers practical approaches to negotiating these obstinate ambiguities of contemporary political life.This User's Guide brings together a team of eminent authors with diverse talents and experience to present a comparative study of the Friendly Tyrants phenomenon in recent history and to devise a systematic set of guidelines for dealing with it. The book is organized around ten essential maxims (Beware Dependence, Be Nimble, Promote Democracy, Chastise with Care, Define Goals, Know the Country, Think It Through, Coordinate Policy, Hedge Bets, Plan for Crises) and a larger number of specific Do's and Don'ts.The Devil and Uncle Sam draws richly upon historical examples to illustrate general principles that will prove invaluable to policymakers and political analysts. The Persian Gulf*War has shown that the Friendly Tyrants problem is still with us, even in the post-Cold War environment. The authors' understanding of past patterns yields insights that should help to prevent the preventable. While new situations will create possibilities for new mistakes, old ones must not be repeated. Contributors to The Devil and Uncle Sam include, in addition to Adam Garfinkle, Daniel Pipes, Kenneth Adelman, Patrick Clawson, Mark Falcoff, and Douglas J. Feith.

s/t: The Intellectual, Personal & Political History of the Triumph of Communism in Russia A comprehensive treatment which traces the course of the Bolshevik movement thru birth, exile, inner dissension, unexpected opportunity--&, at the hour of its triumph, self-betrayal. Includes portraits of such figures as Nicholas I, Belinsky, Trotsky, Lenin & Stalin.

Michael Polanyi's The Contempt of Freedom quite plausibly helped to steel Friedrich Hayek to write The Road to Serfdom. In a 1941 review of Polanyi's book, Hayek wrote: The four essays [of the present book] were...written during the five years between 1935 and I940 when the ideas of liberty "were left almost uncultivated" and "the progressive minds were so fascinated by the prospects of the revolution in Russia that they had little interest left for the fate of the traditional liberties." [Polanyi's] analysis...in the essay on the "Rights and Duties of Science " is perhaps the most illuminating discussion yet attempted of the psychological propensities which so frequently turn the man of science into an ardent advocate of central planning, and of the inconsistencies which this attitude involves. While Professor Polanyi has no doubt that "the major force behind this attitude is the passionate desire to put science into the consciously organised service of human welfare", he is convinced that a consistent policy of "organising" all scientific research..."would actually stop the development of science altogether". Discover here an early work of the man who coined the term "spontaneous order" and wrote Science, Faith and Society (1946), The Logic of Liberty (1951), Personal Knowledge (1958), The Study of Man (1959), and The Tacit Dimension (1959).

Political Reconstruction is a book written by Karl Loewenstein that delves into the process of rebuilding political institutions after a major crisis or conflict. Loewenstein discusses the challenges and opportunities that arise during this process, and provides a comprehensive analysis of the various factors that contribute to successful political reconstruction. The book also explores the role of law, democracy, and civil society in the reconstruction process, and highlights the importance of international cooperation and support. Drawing on case studies from around the world, Political Reconstruction offers valuable insights and recommendations for policymakers, scholars, and anyone interested in the field of political science. Overall, this book is a must-read for anyone seeking to understand the complexities of political reconstruction and the challenges of building a stable and democratic society in the aftermath of conflict.This scarce antiquarian book is a facsimile reprint of the old original and may contain some imperfections such as library marks and notations. Because we believe this work is culturally important, we have made it available as part of our commitment for protecting, preserving, and promoting the world's literature in affordable, high quality, modern editions, that are true to their original work.

First published in 1989, this is the second of three volumes exploring the changing notions of patriotism in British life from the thirteenth century to the late twentieth century and constitutes an attempt to come to terms with the power of the national idea through a historically informed critique. This volume examines how national identity has competed with alternative, more personal forms of belonging such as Roman Catholicism, Judaism and Nonconformism as well looking at femininity in relation to the state. Contemporary British society s capacity to create outsiders is discussed and the introductory essay shows how this may shape our misunderstanding of earlier phases of national development. "

Annotation Until now, The Question of Nationalities and Social Democracy was the only remaining work of classical Marxism not fully translated into English. First published in German in 1907, this seminal text has been cited in countless discussions at nationalism, from the writings of Lenin to Benedict Anderson's Imagined Communities. The issues Bauer addressed almost a century ago still challenge current debates on diversity and minority rights. In this remarkably prophetic text, Bauer foreshadowed current ethnic conflicts in the Balkans and in the former Soviet Union and advocated an early concept of multiculturalism. Attempting to reconcile Marxism with nationalism, Bauer called for a system of self-determination for ethnic communities in which extensive autonomy would be granted within a confederal, multicultural state -- Bauer's words, a "United States of Europe", with remarkable similarities to the contemporary European Union.

This remarkable collection of original personal essays by the thirteen U.S. senators retiring in 1996 is a historic and intimate look into how our government works—and isn't working—today. Not in our lifetimes have so many senators voluntarily left office all at once., among them our most able and distinguished legislators. Written in the spirit of Dwight D. Eisenhower's historic farewell address of 1961, these essays draw on the personal experiences and interests of the senators, who speak frankly to the country about the most important problems we face as we move toward the twenty-first century. Their forceful views, especially on the decline of civility and the collapse of the center in our politics, convey a sense of urgency that Americans cannot afford to ignore.

Unlike many other countries, the United States has few constitutional guarantees of social welfare rights such as income, housing, or healthcare. In part this is because many Americans believe that the courts cannot possibly enforce such guarantees. However, recent innovations in constitutional design in other countries suggest that such rights can be judicially enforced--not by increasing the power of the courts but by decreasing it. In Weak Courts, Strong Rights , Mark Tushnet uses a comparative legal perspective to show how creating weaker forms of judicial review may actually allow for stronger social welfare rights under American constitutional law. Under "strong-form" judicial review, as in the United States, judicial interpretations of the constitution are binding on other branches of government. In contrast, "weak-form" review allows the legislature and executive to reject constitutional rulings by the judiciary--as long as they do so publicly. Tushnet describes how weak-form review works in Great Britain and Canada and discusses the extent to which legislatures can be expected to enforce constitutional norms on their own. With that background, he turns to social welfare rights, explaining the connection between the "state action" or "horizontal effect" doctrine and the enforcement of social welfare rights. Tushnet then draws together the analysis of weak-form review and that of social welfare rights, explaining how weak-form review could be used to enforce those rights. He demonstrates that there is a clear judicial path--not an insurmountable judicial hurdle--to better enforcement of constitutional social welfare rights.

A comprehensive study of recent African history, examining the political, social, and economic effects of colonialism A comprehensive study of recent African history, examining the political, social, and economic effects of colonialism

A collection of essays introduce various facets of the struggle for radical change in American society, ranging from Women's Liberation to the Yippies

A new English translation of Isaak Illich Rubin’s classic Essays on Marx’s Theory of Value. First published in the Soviet Union in 1923, Rubin’s book sparked a fierce value controversy with contemporary Soviet economists during the late 1920s. As such, the present translation is conceived as a variorum edition, including all the essential supplementary materials related to this foundational work in Marx’s value theory, published here in English for the first time. In addition to Rubin’s main work, this edition includes his four most important related publications, as well as ten debate articles written and published by his contemporary proponents and opponents.

Few political figures of the twentieth century have aroused as much controversy as the Russian revolutionary Leon Trotsky. Trotsky’s extraordinary life and extensive writings have left an indelible mark on revolutionary conscience; and yet there was at one time a danger that his name would disappear altogether from history. Isaac Deutscher’s magisterial three-volume biography was the first major publication to counter the powerful Stalinist propaganda machine, and in this definitive work Trotsky emerges in his real stature, as the most heroic, and ultimately tragic, character of the Russian revolution. This first volume of the trilogy, originally published in 1954, traces Trotsky’s political development: his early activities, the formation and crystallization of his distinctive and motivating idea—the permanent revolution— his long feud and final reconciliation with Lenin and Bolshevism, and his role in the October insurrection of 1917. The volume ends in the year 1921, when Trotsky, then at the climax of his power, unwittingly sowed the seeds of his own defeat.

"All in a Life-time" offers a rare and compelling glimpse into the world of early 20th-century diplomacy and United States foreign relations. Written by Henry Morgenthau and French Strother, this political memoir chronicles a distinguished career in public service. As a key figure during World War I, Morgenthau provides firsthand accounts and insightful observations on critical historical events. His experiences as an ambassador offer a unique perspective on the complexities of international relations and the challenges of representing the United States on the world stage. This meticulously prepared print republication allows readers to delve into the past and gain a deeper understanding of the historical context that shaped the 20th century. "All in a Life-time" remains a vital resource for anyone interested in biography, United States history, and the intricacies of public policy. Its enduring appeal lies in its timeless exploration of leadership, diplomacy, and the pursuit of a life dedicated to service. This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.

John Paul's visit to the synagogue / Gregory Baum -- The Church and Christian democracy / Gregory Baum, John Coleman -- The origins of Christian democratic parties in Germany, Italy and France after 1943-45 / Karl-Egon Lönne -- Political organisation of Christians in Latin America / Pablo Richard -- The Church and Christian democracy / Franz Horner -- The Vatican of Pius XII and the Catholic party / Andrea Riccardi -- Reflections from Germany / Walter Dirks -- The case of Italy / Daniele Menozzi -- The case of France / René Rémond -- Case study, Chile / Michael Fleet -- International Christian democracy (Opus Dei) / Peter Hertel -- Christian democracy and the liberating option for the oppressed in Latin American Catholicism / Otto Maduro.

"Conversations about higher education teem with accusations that American colleges and universities are betraying free speech, indoctrinating students with left-wing dogma, and censoring civil discussions. But these complaints are badly misguided. In Terms of Respect, constitutional scholar and Princeton University president Christopher L. Eisgruber argues that colleges and universities are largely getting free speech right. Today's students engage in vigorous discussions on sensitive topics and embrace both the opportunity to learn and the right to protest. Like past generations, they value free speech, but, like all of us, they sometimes misunderstand what it requires. Ultimately, the polarization and turmoil visible on many campuses reflect an American civic crisis that affects universities along with the rest of society. But colleges, Eisgruber argues, can help to promote civil discussion in this raucous, angry world-and they can show us how to embrace free speech without sacrificing ideals of equality, diversity, and respect. Urgent and original, Terms of Respect is an ardent defense of our universities, and a hopeful vision for navigating the challenges that free speech provokes for us all"-- Provided by publisher.

Analyzes the evolution of Marxist doctrine in theory and in practice, focusing on the tensions inherent in the application of a nineteenth-century ideology to twentieth-century politics

The last 15 years have witnessed deep changes in Israeli society. The naive solidarity of the early years of statehood has given way to more sophisticated approaches, and the atmosphere of the 1990s was conducive towards critique and open discussion. It was the age of the Oslo Accords, of the large wave of immigrants from the Former Soviet Union, economic growth and prosperity, and a concurrent feeling of security and well-being. Israel was fast becoming a postcapitalist society, a junior member of the global village. This newly acquired self-assurance led to openness towards unorthodox views on basic questions of Israeli identity. This book attempts to come to grips with these themes. The complex texture of Israeli society is drawn here by a number of hands, presenting up-to-date approaches, as viewed by experts.

Whether Europe will ever have anything resembling the “common foreign and security policy” described in the Maastricht Treaty will depend most of all on whether France and Germany are able to align their foreign policy goals and means. This thoughtful and original study examines the Franco-German security partnership in its post–Cold War context and analyzes the implications of that partnership for both Europe and the United States. Utilizing French and German sources and extensive interviews in Paris, Bonn, and Washington, Philip Gordon traces the evolution of Franco-German security cooperation since World War II, focusing especially on post-1989 developments. The book's historical and conceptual approach provides a framework for assessing the foundations of the Euro-optimism and -pessimism at odds with each other today.Gordon argues that Franco-German cooperation in the post–Cold War era will be more challenging than it was during a time when the Soviet threat united the two countries in a U.S.-led alliance. The book demonstrates how the end of the Cold War, German unification, a declining U.S. role in Europe, and emerging instabilities to Europe's east and south will test the strength of the Franco-German partnership, and it examines how French and German leaders have stood up to the new challenges so far. Detailed case studies of the Persian Gulf War, the debates over the “Eurocorps,” policies toward Eastern Europe, and the war in Yugoslavia make an invaluable contribution to our understanding of French, German, and Alliance policies in the post–Cold War world. Gordon also identifies new trends in French and German security policies since 1989 and analyzes their effects on the potential for Western and European cohesion.The book concludes that the general commitment in Paris and Berlin to continued cooperation is not in doubt but that a truly common and effective Franco-German or European security policy is unlikely; the national interests of the two countries and their Western partners not only remain different, but they are probably more divergent today than during the Cold War. Consequently, Gordon also argues that U.S. and European fears of Franco-German bilateralism are exaggerated and indeed that the allies have more to gain than to lose from Franco-German cooperation. The problem for the West is not so much that France and Germany have formed a cohesive political-military force within Europe but that they have failed to do so.