For some 30 years, Adam Hochschild's voice has been one of the most distinctive in American journalism. With grace and wit, he has brought to a startling variety of subjects a combination of adventurous reporting and personal honesty. Hochschild's readers can count on an unobtrusive erudition, a sense of justice, and an irrepressible curiosity about life. Admirers of Hochschild's Half the Way Home: A Memoir of Father and Son will find in these articles the same warm autobiographical voice that made that book so memorable: He revisits his time as a civil rights worker in Mississippi, as a New England prep school student, and as a teenager seeing apartheid firsthand in South Africa. But readers will find much more as well: profiles of an adoptive Gypsy and of a governor general's son turned revolutionary, essays about Ernest Hemingway and John F. Kennedy, a journey to one of the most remote corners of the Amazon rain forest, and a remarkable evocation of two of Hochschild's personal heroes—who, in hillside trenches at the height of the Russian Civil War, faced each other across a battlefield.

AFRICAN POLITICAL SYSTEMS by Fortes, Meyer CONTENTS: EDITORS' NOTE. PREFACE. Professor A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, M.A. (Cantab.), Emeritus Professor of Social Anthropology in the University of Oxford INTRODUCTION. Dr. M. Fortes and Professor E. E. Evans-Pntchard Aims of this Book. A Representative Sample of African. Societies. Political Philosophy and Comparative Politics. The Two Types of Political System Studied. Kinship in Political Organization. The Influence of Demography. The Influence of Mode of Livelihood. Composite Political Systems and the Conquest Theory. The Territorial Aspect. The Balance of Forces in the Political System, The Incidence and Function of Organised Force. Differences in Response to European Rule. The Mystical Values Associated with Political Office. The Problem of the Limits of the Political Group. THE KINGDOM OF THE ZULU OF SOUTH AFRICA. Max Gluckman. B.A. (How.) (Witwatersrand), D.Phil. (Oxon). Professor of Social Anthropology in the University of Manchester Historical Introduction. The Zulu King and the State. Status and Political Power. The Tribes within the Nation, Sanctions on Authority and the Stability of the State. The People and their Leaders. The Period of European Rule. Conclusion. THE POLITICAL ORGANIZATION OF THE NGWATO OF BECHUANALAND PROTECTORATE. /. Schapera, M.A, (Cape town), Ph.D., D.Sc.(London), F.R.S.S.Af. Professor of Social Anthropology in the University of Cape toton Ethnic Composition and Territorial Constitution. The Administrative System. Powers and Authority of the Chief. Rights and Responsibilities of Chieftainship. THE POLITICAL SYSTEM OF THE BEMBA TRIBE NORTHEASTERN RHODESIA. Audrey I. Richards, M.A-(Cantab\ Ph.D.(London). Reader in Social Anthropology at the London School of Economics and Political Science, University of London 83Bantu Political Organization Some General Features The Bemba Tribe: Tribal Composition Social Grouping Kinship Local Grouping Rank Other Principles of Social Grouping Economic Background White Administration. Bases of Authority: The Dogma of Descent Legal Rules of Descent and Succession. Functions and Prerogatives of Authority: The Headman the Chief. The Machinery of Government: Administrative Military Judicial Advisory, The Integration of the Tribe. Post-European Changes: New Authorities introduced Effects of the 1929 Ordinances. THE KINGDOM OF ANKOLE IN UGANDA K. Oberg, A.M., Ph.D.(Chicago)t Escola Livre de Sociologia e Politica, SSo Paulo, Brazil Traditional and Historical Background. Political Status, the King and the Royal Kraal. Tribute. The Cult of Bagyendanwa. Succession. Conclusion.

An inside account of the events unfolding in the Soviet Union under Mikhail Gorbachev. In a series of interviews, 14 leaders of Gorbachev's reforms talk about their personal and political struggles to change the Soviet Union.

The Power to Persuade answers a fundamental question: how can you navigate a world where persuasion, rather than direct command, is the rule? In public sector organizations, and in today's "flattened" corporate hierarchies, traditional management strategies simply do not work. This book shows how to hone the political skills that are so often the key to improved performance - whether the goal is better policy or greater profit. While teaching at Harvard University, Richard Haass realized that no existing book advised people working in political settings how to be more effective. Now he has filled the gap. Using a compass as his operating metaphor - your boss is north of you, your staff is south, colleagues are east, and so on - Haass provides guidelines for managing relationships, setting goals, and translating goals into results. His interviews with Colin Powell, James Baker, Robert Strauss, and dozens of others yield valuable, practical insight. For the tens of millions of Americans

This wide-ranging discussion of Jews and Arabs, Judaism and Islam, is historical, psychological, and anthropological in approach. By focusing his study on folk culture, Raphael Patai makes a unique contribution, complementing classic works in the field. The volume is a distillation of the best available material on the subject of Jewish-Arab interactions over the ages. It provides an excellent overview of Arab-Jewish relations vis-a-vis religion, theology, culture, literature, and politics from the pre-Muhammad period to the present day, showing the shared heritage as well as divergence of Arab and Jew. Winner of the Jewish Book Council Award and the Anisfield-Wolf Award in Race Relations.

In this book, Robert Leeson and Charles Palm have assembled an amazing collection of Milton Friedman's best works on freedom. Even more amazing is that the selection represents only 1 percent of the 1,500 works by Friedman that Leeson and Palm have put online in a user-friendly format--and an even smaller percentage if you include their archive of Friedman's audio and television recordings, correspondence, and other writings. This book and the larger online collection are sorely needed and very welcome. Milton Friedman deserves to be read in the original by generation after generation.

It is widely acknowledged among economists today that their discipline is in a state of some disarray. Behind the controversies particular to the times lies a fundamental crisis of thought, rooted in the increasingly apparent inadequacy of the neoclassical approach that has been dominant for some fifty years. The failure to impose such a formalistic framework has fostered the return from the wilderness of the subjectivist Austrian School of economics and renewed debate on the nature of markets and the predictability of economic phenomena. Until recently subjectivist economics has been largely ignored by mainstream economists. But as the dominant neoclassical, Keynesian, and monetarist approaches have each been championed in turn only to be found wanting at the end of the day, the Austrian approach has come to seem increasingly promising. In this book, first published in 1986 and now reprinted with a new foreword from Solomon M. Stein and Virgil Henry Storr, Ludwig M. Lachmann presents his case for viewing economic events as elements within an ongoing process dependent on human actions in a world where the future, though not unimaginable, is unknowable. In stark contrast to the mechanistic world view of mainstream orthodoxy, his perspective takes due account of the complex workings of the human mind. His insistence on the variety of ways in which markets may function warns against elevating any "process" theory to the levels of abstraction characteristic of neoclassical equilibrium theory. Drawing easily on the classics as well as the most recent theoretical developments, Lachmann sheds new light on each of the areas he discusses. Ludwig M. Lachmann (1906-1990) witnessed and participated in numerous controversies for over fifty years as a leading member of the Austrian School, while remaining receptive to ideas from a diversity of disciplines and schools of thought. He studied under F. A. Hayek at the London School of Economics in the 1930s, and was a distinguished member of the Austrian School of economics and has played an active part in its revival over the past ten years. His previous publications include Capital and its Structure (1956), The Legacy of Max Weber (1970), and Capital Expectations and the Market Process (1977).

Americans resorted to arms in 1775 not to establish new liberties but to defend old ones, explains constitutional historian Leonard W. Levy in this fascinating history of the origins of the Bill of Rights. Unencumbered by a rigid class system, an arbitrary government, or a single established church squelching dissent, colonial Americans understood freedom in a far more comprehensive and liberal way than the English, Levy shows. He offers here a panoramic view of the liberties secured by the first ten amendments to the Constitution--a penetrating analysis of the background of the Bill of Rights the meanings of each provision of the amendments. In colonial America, political theory, law, and religion all taught that government was limited. Yet the framing and ratification of the Bill of Rights--in effect a bill of restraints upon the national government--was by no means assured. Levy illuminates the behind-the-scenes maneuverings, public rhetoric, and political motivations that led to each provision. The omission of a bill of rights in the original constitution presented the most serious obstacle to its adoption, despite Federalist claims that a bill of rights was unnecessary. Opponents of the Constitution claimed that inclusion of only some liberties--such as the right to habeas corpus and freedom from ex post facto laws--meant that all other liberties would be lost. But, Levy demonstrates, the people of the United States, aided by a persistent James Madison and by traditions of freedom, had the good sense to support both the Constitution and the Bill of Rights.

Although China and Japan have had virtually uninterrupted contact going back over many centuries, the lion's share of works addressing both China and Japan's overseas contacts--cultural and political--have concerned the West. Before the twentieth century, however, Western contacts with Japan were infrequent at best. Throughout the centuries before the twentieth, Chinese culture in the form of books, art objects, religious items, and the like flowed into Japan in great quantity. Within the scholarly community, some attention has focused on Japan and the Japanese elite's reception of the cultural flow and their response to it. By contrast, little if anything has been written about how the Chinese saw the Japanese. By addressing this glaring lacuna, the essays in this volume make a unique contribution.

This book, "The Venus Project: The Redesign of Culture", by Jacque Fresco, is a replication of a book originally published before 1995. It has been restored by human beings, page by page, so that you may enjoy it in a form as close to the original as possible. This book was created using print-on-demand technology. Thank you for supporting classic literature.

Fiorello LaGuardia is known best as the tempestuous mayor of New York City in the days when Franklin Delano Roosevelt sat in the White House. There had been, however, an earlier time, which matched his mayoralty years in sheer drama and perhaps surpassed them in lasting achievement-LaGuardia's years in Congress. He served in the House of Representative almost continuously from 1917 to 1933, representing two ethnically diverse congressional districts: the Fourteenth (Greenwich Village), from 1917 to 1919, and the Twentieth (East Harlem), from 1923 to 1933. Although barred from important committee posts because of his political independence and thus denied from playing a direct role in lawmaking, he was a tireless and vocal champion of Progressive causes, from allowing more immigration and removing U.S. troops from Nicaragua to speaking up for the rights and livelihoods of striking miners, impoverished farmers, oppressed minorities, and struggling families. A goad to the era's plutocrats and their enablers in government, LaGuardia fought for progressive income taxes, greater government oversight of Wall Street, and national employment insurance for workers idled by the Great Depression. In this book, first published by Cornell University Press in 1959, Howard Zinn establishes LaGuardia's tenure in Congress as a vital link between the Progressive and New Deal eras, offering a lively and informative account of his many legislative battles, his political philosophy, and the distinctly urban (specifically, New York City) sensibilities he brought to the Progressive movement.

This enthralling book begins in the vast forests of Cyprus, whose wood fuelled the ancient Mediterranean, and extends through the Elizabethan era, in which the Hostmen guild of Newcastle exerted political influence by monopolizing the British coal supply. The central thread of this well-researched book, which draws upon a vast array of archival sources and an extensive list of secondary texts, picks up centuries later with the competition in the American automotive market between electric power and oil-fuelled internal combustion. The definitive blow in favour of oil comes with WWI, which prompted increased demand for gas-powered vehicles at the very moment Thomas Edison and Henry Ford aborted plans to develop an affordable electric car. The decades-long "General Motors conspiracy" solidifies the demise of electrically powered mass transit in American cities. Through it all, the author manages to keep this complex history compelling. By the time the author makes his final, impassioned plea for a bold new solution to the world's energy crisis, he has already made his case with devastating clarity.

Examines the problems and possibilities facing the United States in the 1980s and 1990s, from the threat of nuclear war and the military's strategic thinking, to the interplay of politics, personality, and history

In the wake of 9/11, America and its people have experienced a sense of vulnerability unprecedented in the nation's recent history. Buffeted by challenges from the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan to the financial crisis, from Washington dysfunction to the rise of China and the dawn of the era of cyber warfare, two very different presidents and their advisors have struggled to cope with a relentless array of new threats. You may think you know the story. But in National Insecurity, David Rothkopf offers an entirely new perspective into the hidden struggles, the surprising triumphs, and the shocking failures of those charged with leading the United States through one of the most difficult periods in its history. Thanks to his extraordinary access, Rothkopf provides fresh insights drawing on more than one hundred exclusive interviews with the key players who shaped this era. At its core, National Insecurity is the gripping story of a superpower in crisis, seeking to adapt to a rapidly changing world, sometimes showing inspiring resilience -- but often undone by the human flaws of those at the top, the mismanagement of its own system, the temptation to concentrate too much power within the hands of too few in the White House itself, and an unwillingness to draw the right lessons from the recent past. Nonetheless, within that story are unmistakable clues to a way forward that can help restore American leadership.

What is Communist Anarchism? is an introduction to the principles of anarchism and anarchist communism written by Alexander Berkman. First published in 1929 by Vanguard Press, it has been reprinted many times, often in partial or abbreviated versions, under many titles such as Now and After, What Is Anarchism? or The ABC of Anarchism. Because of its presentation of anarchist philosophy in plain language, What is Communist Anarchism? has become one of the best-known introductions to anarchism in print. Anarchist Stuart Christie wrote that What is Communist Anarchism? is "among the best introductions to the ideas of anarchism in the English language". Historian Paul Avrich described it as "a classic" and wrote that it was "the clearest exposition of communist anarchism in English or any other language".

The Best of Abbie Hoffman is the inspirational life story of Abbie Hoffman, cofounder of the Yippie movement and one of the most important activists of the twentieth century. Hoffman recounts his growing involvement in the student movement as it rose to national prominence, giving behind-the-scenes details about the historic protests at the 1968 Democratic Convention and subsequent Chicago conspiracy trial, his "levitation" of the Pentagon, and his friendships with other movement leaders. This new edition includes a selection of photographs documenting his continuing activism in the 1980s and a new Afterword by leading historian Howard Zinn about Hoffman's enduring legacy. "This book is a document . . . the autobiography of a bona fide American revolutionary." -- Norman Mailer, from his Introduction

Collects more than thirty previously published essays on a diverse range of topics, including food habits, art, politics, history, and travel.

In this re-examination of the political thought of Hannah Arendt, Seyla Benhabib decentres the standard and widespread reading of Arendt's work, in which Arendt's The Human Condition dominates, and discovers Arendt's political philosophy in the light of newly gained insights into the historical and cultural context of Arendt's complete work. This eloquently written book includes discussions of Arendt's neglected early text on Rahel Varnhagen, her confrontation with German Existenz philosophy and Zionist politics, Arendt's theory of totalitarianism, and the paradoxes of the rights of man. Hannah Arendt's political thought anticipates some of the major preoccupations of today's identity politics, from gender to nationalism and ethnicit

Essential Works of Socialism is the most authoritative one-volume collection of major socialist writings to appear in English. Edited by Irving Howe, the well-known social historian and literary critic, it not only includes classic statements by Marx, Engels, Bukharin, Plekhanov, Lenin, Luxemburg, and Trotsky, but also analysis, polemic, and re-evaluations from such varied figures as Djilas, Silone, Ricoeur, Lichtheim, Orwell, Buber, Kolakowski, Cole, and Harrington. Howe's Introduction emphasizes that this is an anthology of socialist thought, not of Marxism. Marxism has, of course, been the most influential strand of thought in the development of modern socialism, but non-Marxist socialism is also well represented in this volume. Howe has managed to avoid the inclusion of esoteric and internal socialist controversies; the debates that are anthologized here, as with the assault Trotsky launched against Stalinism, or Plekhanov's anticipation of revolution leading to a new Asiatic despotism, have lost none of their relevance. Right-wing and left-wing socialists are both present, as well as the many who fit neither label, but the Essential Works of Socialism has been edited out of a conviction that no compromise is possible between democratic socialists and the various defenders of authoritarian and totalitarian despotism, who have appropriated the name of socialism.