Egypt's indigenous Jewish population comprised Arabic-speaking Rabbanite and Karaite Jews, some of whom had been in the country since the early Islamic era. Jews expelled from Spain in 1492 took refuge in Egypt, and their numbers were augmented in the mid-nineteenth century by Sephardic immigrants. Originally welcomed elsewhere in the Ottoman Empire, these Spanish Jews came to Egypt seeking economic opportunity in the era of Suez Canal construction and the cotton boom. The late nineteenth century brought Ashkenazi Jews fleeing persecution in Eastern Europe. The different groups formed a heterogeneous community of cosmopolitan hybrids, which was both an element of strength and a factor in its eventual demise. The Dispersion of Egyptian Jewry examines the history of the Egyptian Jewish community after 1948, focusing on three major areas: the life of the majority of the community, which remained in Egypt from the1948 Arab-Israeli War until the aftermath of the 1956 Suez/Sinai War; the dispersion and reestablishment of Egyptian Jewish communities in the United states, France, and Israel; and contested memories of Jewish life in Egypt since President Anwar al-Sadat's visit to Jerusalem in 1977. Beinin argues that the experiences of Egyptian Jews cannot be adequately accounted for by either Egyptian nationalist or Zionist narratives. Fusing history, ethnography, literary analysis, and autobiography, Joel Beinin conducts an interdisciplinary investigation into identity, dispersion, and the retrieval of identity that is relevant for anyone interested in Egypt, the Jewish diaspora, or the formation of cultures and identities.

A unique insight into the rapidly expanding Chinese art market from an expert in the field Presents the remarkable story of the leading contemporary dealer in Chinese and other Asian art A Dealer's Hand serves as both a personal history of the evolving Chinese art market and a catalogue of Chinese art illustrated with over 500 objects As the West awakes, with some apprehension, to the economic power of that once-supine dragon, China, A Dealer's Hand is a timely reminder that its material culture has never failed to entrance and amaze those looking in from the outside, no less over the 50 years covered here than in the more distant past. Giuseppe Eskenazi is the pre-eminent expert and dealer in Chinese art and therefore well-placed to cast light on one aspect of this cultural relationship. Hajni Elias is a highly experienced researcher in the field. Together they have woven a narrative with several strands: Giuseppe's progression from young boy in Constantinople to doyen of Chinese art dealers, enlivened by reminiscence and anecdote; an overview of the market for Chinese art in the West and the part played in it by scholars, dealers, auction houses, museums and collectors; and a fabulous pictorial record of hundreds of the marvelous works of art that have passed through the Eskenazi Gallery's doors and amaze those looking in from outside, no less over the 50 years covered here than in the more distant past.

The period from 1509 to 1688 was one of great social turbulence in Britain, and a key period in the history of political thought. This work covers the major themes of the time, including conceptions of the state and of natural rights, consent and property. It provides an examination of the main texts, situating them in their social and historical context. It looks at the role of the canonical thinkers - Thomas More, Hobbes, and Locke - and the participation of Sir Thomas Smith and radical thinkers such as the Levellers. These figures are viewed in the context both of their time, and of the wider social, economic and political arena. The authors set out to show how specific patterns of historical development relate to distinctive traditions in political thought.

Iconoclast David F. Noble traces the evolution and eclipse of the biblical mythology of the Promised Land, the foundational story of Western Culture. Part impassioned manifesto, part masterful survey of opposed philosophical and economic schools, "Beyond the Promised Land" brings into focus the twisted template of the Western imagination and its faith-based market economy. From the first recorded versions of "the promise" saga in ancient Babylon, to the Zapatistas' rejection of promises never kept, Noble explores the connections between Judeo-Christian belief and corporate globalization. Inspiration for activists and students alike. David Noble is the author of "Progress Without People" (BTL, 1995) and "Digital Diploma Mills" (BTL, 2002). He teaches history at York University, Toronto.

Germany Today is a fascinating investigation into the West German spirit by the leading student of contemporary Europe, Walter Laqueur. Concerned with where Germany has come from and where it is headed, Laqueur addresses specifically the divisions and insecurities so reported of late: the widespread feeling of "angst", the rise of the apocalyptic anti-establishment Greens, and the anti-nuclear movement. He places these in the context of the leveling off of the postwar economic boom and other changes in German society and sees them as a manifestation of a deep-seated German tendency toward emotional extremism rather than, as some see it, a sign that Germany is a "house on fire", or a society verging on collapse. He foresees economic and political crises ahead, and a testing of the system, but overall a greater levelheadedness, common sense, and tolerance than in past periods of German history.

America is the last remaining superpower. Yet what does this triumph mean when the challenges we face often defy military solutions? In Temptations of a Superpower , one of our most eloquent and incisive foreign policy analysts takes a hard look at this question, with all its implications for America's role in the post-Cold War world. Ronald Steel offers a devastating critique of a high-stakes game of foreign policy played by rules that no longer apply, and then proposes a more realistic--and pragmatic--view of the world and our place in it. The Cold War imposed a certain order on the world, giving us a secure sense of our enemies and allies, our interests and our mission. Steel paints a disturbing picture of the world now deprived of its ordering principle, where ethnic conflicts and national rivalries once held in check erupt in violence, where the shifting allegiances and fevered ambitions flout familiar strategies for keeping peace, conducting trade, and protecting human rights. He explores the history of our present predicament and explains the dangers of adapting outmoded but habitual policies to a new world whose shape is fast evolving. What, for instance, is the future of America's military, deeply embedded as it is in our culture and economy? If Wilsonian idealism, with its vision of converting the world to democracy, replaces anti-communism as the guiding principle behind foreign policy, how far should it take us? What distinctions should we make between our nearest neighbors and distant nations? How are we to balance economic needs and ethical imperatives? Analyzing the turmoil sweeping the world from China to Bosnia, Haiti to the Caucasus, Steel depicts the shattering dilemmas facing American policymakers. What concern should the United States have with many world quarrels? How can national interest be reconciled with strategic considerations and morality? When should domestic needs take precedence over foreign policy? The alternatives that Steel proposes to current policies defy much of the conventional wisdom and are certain to provoke controversy. He asks not only what America should do for the world, but what it must do for itself. Reminding us that foreign and domestic policy are inseparable, Steel argues that a renewed foreign policy must address not only changes in the world order, but the pressing, unmet needs within America itself.

In this work by seasoned scholar Lawrence Rosen, we follow the fascinating intellectual developments of four ordinary Moroccans over the span of 40 years. Walking and talking with Haj Hamed Britel, Yaghnik Driss, Hussein Qadir, and Shimon Benizri - in a country that, in a little over a century, has gone from an underdeveloped colonial outpost to a modern Arab country in the throes of economic growth and religious fervour - Rosen details a fascinating plurality of viewpoints on culture, history, and the ways both can be dramatically transformed. Through the intellectual lives of these four men, this book explores a number of interpretative and theoretical issues that have made Arab culture distinct, especially in relationship to the West: how nothing is ever hard and fast, how everything is relational and always a product of negotiation.

This extraordinary book shows that corporate social responsibility should be treated as a legal rather than as an economic problem. Having established the Edsel as a case in point, Deutsch offers a jurisprudence based on that history, presenting law as a process that can be understood only by an awareness of the context in which it takes place.

What should your investment strategy be now that the steady, upward trend of the U.S. stock market seems like history? The years ahead promise to be volatile, full of ups and downs, so is this the time for investors to hunker down and scale back? Not at all, is Jim Glassman’s advice. Sure, there were some people who bailed out of the market early and came out ahead, but that was luck—the kind of luck that wins the lottery once in a blue moon: it’s not a strategy. And if there is one clear lesson to be learned from all of the recent market drama, it’s that you need a point of view and a coherent investment strategy. And that’s just what Glassman provides in The Secret Code of the Superior Investor. If you believe that the long-term outlook for the American economy is positive (as Glassman and most experts do), then the best strategy is the tried-and-true approach that has worked well for more than a hundred years: acquiring a diversified portfolio of stocks in great companies and then holding on to them forever. Jim Glassman’s investing principles provide the ballast to help you keep your investing balance no matter how the markets bubble or bobble. His rigorous, practical, straightforward way of thinking and taking action enables you to build a portfolio that performs well no matter what the economic climate. Here is invaluable advice on what stocks and mutual funds to buy—and when to sell them. (Hint: Almost never.)

Text extracted from opening pages of book: HISTORICAL FICTION and other Reading References for Classes in JUNIOR AND SENIOR HIGH SCHOOLS Compiled by HANNAH _ LOGASA The University of Chicago Home-Study Department Author of The High School Library, The Study Hall FOURTH REVISED AND ENLARGED EDITION Philadelphia McKinley Publishing Co. 1949 SYMBOLS USED IN THIS WORK * Especially valuable x Junior high school level Copyright, 1949 McKinky Publishing Co. Made in the United States [ 2] TABLE OF CONTENTS'-PACE Symbols usecrm tms woric _ r v .. A . K, .... r: --. 2 Preface to the Fourth Revised and Enlarged Editioi.: .....: ..: .*.: .*..: ....: .. r.: .?... $ Introduction ., .*...... 5 ANNOTATED LIST OF HISTORICAL MATERIAL ANCIENT HISTORY I. Primitive life 13 II. Oriental life '. 17 III. Ancient Greece and her civilization 21 IV. Early Rome and the Roman Empire 25 MEDIEVAL AND MODERN EUROPE I. Traditional and legendary history: Empire of Charlemagne and the invasion of the Northmen, 600-1000 31 II. Medieval life institutions, 1000-1400 35 III. Renaissance and the Reformation to 1643 44 IV. Absolutism and the struggle for colonial and commercial supremacy, 1643-1786 56 V. French revolution and the Reign of Napoleon Bonaparte, 1789-1815 61 VI. Reaction, revolution and the nationalizing of the European states, 1815-1871 66 VII. Democracy, Liberalism, and the nineteenth-century expansion of Europe, 1871-1914 70 VIII. The World War, 1914-1918 73 IX. Post-War Europe, and Spheres of Influence, 1918-78 X. World War II and after 86 CANADA I. Discovery, exploration, colonization, 1000-1673 91 II. Anglo-French rivalry, 1673-1867 93 III. Confederation, and after, 1867-97 LATIN AMERICA I. Discovery, exploration and conquest, 1400-1808 102 II. Struggles for independence, 1808-1867 106 III. Experiments in democratic government, and development, looe-luv UNITED STATES HISTORY I. Discovery and exploration, 1400-1607 v .......... 116 II. Colonization and the struggle for supremacy in North America, 1607-1753 118 III. Revolution and the establishment of the American Nation, 1763-1789.... 127 IV. Nationalism and democracy, 1789-1829 135 V. Expansion, 1829-1861 } g VI. Conflict, 1861-1865 -* * J* i VII. Reconstruction and consolidation, 1865-1897 lol VIII National expansion and the new democracy, 1897-1914 loo IX. The World War, 1914-1918 #] X. The United States since the World War, 1918-1942 174 XL World War II and after 179 APPENDIX I. Islands of the Sea 183 II. Selected List of Source Books Ancient History; v { JJ Medieval and Modern European History --.. *&* United States History } Jg World War II and after * j Author and title index iyD [ 3] THE FOURTH REVISED AND ENLARGED EDITION The present revision consists of over 900 new titles. Three hundred of the older titles were omitted, not because they were no longer useful, but in order to make room for the newer material. A new section, Islands of the seas has been added to the Appendix. These small land areas have become of increasing importance because of their geographic location, political influence, and economic possibili ties. The larger islands, and continents that play a world role were not included in this section. Added also, were two sections of World War II, and after. These will be found in their chronological order. For different reasons compiling this work has presented problems. A few might be mentioned: ( a) The periodcovered by this revision coincided with the world conflict. Few books on various periods, and phases of history were published, e. g., Ancient history; World War I. This had its effect on the proportion of material in the list. ( b) The book output was marked by a change of format in many books. The binding, margins, paper, and print was not up to pre-war standards. This has a bearing on the life of the physical book, and its possible rebinding. ( c) The language in some of the books was frank, and in other cases crude. In each such case the book had to be judged

In Scattered Among the Peoples, historian Allan Levine presents a vivid and distinctly human perspective on how the Jewish people survived eight hundred years of persecution and forced migration, building and rebuilding their lives and communities. Structured as a chronological series of twelve moment-in-time portraits, focusing on individuals and their interaction with their families and society, the narrative carries readers through the economic, political, social and intellectual climates of some of the world's most famous and fascinating cosmopolitan centers. From the expulsion of the Jews from Spain in 1492, to the emigration of Soviet Jews from Russia following the Six Day War in Israel in 1967, Levine's masterful account describes expulsions and scandals, false messiahs and the first ghetto, assassinations, blood libels, the learning and wealth that sprung up in distant cities, and some devastating reversals of fortune. Above all, this compelling saga chronicles the lives of a vibrant cast of characters-well-known historical figures, as well as many who have been forgotten. The successes and the failures of so many-as teachers, rabbis, merchants, writers, soldiers, and physicians-add a colorful and accessible dimension to this sprawling history of the Diaspora. Scattered Among the Peoples is an impressive and immensely readable book, one that is an important contribution to the literature of Jewish history.

Focuses on the lives of free Black workers.

Every city and every state needs a Richard Ravitch. In sixty years on the job, whether working in business or government, he was the man willing to tackle some of the most complex challenges facing New York. Trained as a lawyer, he worked briefly for the House of Representatives, then began his career in his family's construction business. He built high-profile projects like the Whitney Museum and Citicorp Center but his primary energy was devoted to building over 40,000 units of affordable housing including the first racially integrated apartment complex in Washington, D.C. He dealt with architects, engineers, lawyers, bureaucrats, politicians, union leaders, construction workers, bankers, and tenants—virtually all of the people who make cities and states work. It was no surprise that those endeavors ultimately led to a life of public service. In 1975, Ravitch was asked by then New York Governor Hugh Carey to arrange a rescue of the New York State Urban Development Corporation, a public entity that had issued bonds to finance over 30,000 affordable housing units but was on the verge of bankruptcy. That same year, Ravitch was at Carey's side when New York City's biggest banks said they would no longer underwrite its debt and he became instrumental to averting the city's bankruptcy. Throughout his career, Ravitch divided his time between public service and private enterprise. He was chairman of the Metropolitan Transportation Authority from 1979 to 1983 and is generally credited with rebuilding the system. He turned around the Bowery Savings Bank, chaired a commission that rewrote the Charter of the City of New York, served on two Presidential Commissions, and became chief labor negotiator for Major League Baseball. Then, in 2008, after Governor Eliot Spitzer resigned in a prostitution scandal and New York State was in a post-financial-crisis meltdown, Spitzer's successor, David Paterson, appointed Ravitch Lieutenant Governor and asked him to make recommendations regarding the state's budgeting plan. What Ravitch found was the result of not just the economic downturn but years of fiscal denial. And the closer he looked, the clearer it became that the same thing was happening in most states. Budgetary pressures from Medicaid, pension promises to public employees, and deceptive budgeting and borrowing practices are crippling our states' ability to do what only they can do—invest in the physical and human infrastructure the country needs to thrive. Making this case is Ravitch's current public endeavor and it deserves immediate attention from both public officials and private citizens.

Austria experienced remarkable economic and social growth in the years following World War II, especially considering the troubled nature of its politics. A small, land-locked country, Austria has emerged as the European Union's fourth richest state, yet it still wrestles with old decisions and demons. Merging personal observation with rich historical scholarship, a renowned journalist and award-winning memoirist tracks Austria's unique trajectory, beginning the origins of its peoples and following through to the collapse of the Austro-Hungarian empire in 1918. Paul Lendvai investigates whether Austrians have come to terms with Hitler s Anschluss and the Waldheim affair and how they have met the challenge of Jorg Haider s radical right-wing ascendancy. Lendvai identifies a positive moral toughness, internal cohesion, and social discipline within Austria, especially during the years of occupation and subsequent crises, such as the Hungarian Revolution, the Prague Spring, and the Yugoslav wars. A probing study of Austria's long quest for nationhood, this volume offers a firsthand look at the factors and players that have influenced an evolving power.Praise for the German edition: Daring, exciting, unmasking...Lendvai presents hitherto hardly known facts and] incredible details.& mdash; NEWS (Vienna Weekly)Lendvai seeks to explain what Austria is like. He has succeeded exactly in this endeavor.& mdash; Die Wel

Does the American Dream still exist when nearly 30 million Americans live in families in which workers find a paycheck and poverty in the same envelope? Just as Michael Harrington's The Other America shocked the nation with its disclosure of poverty in the 1960s, John E. Schwarz and Thomas J. Volgy's The Forgotten Americans exposes the breadth of poverty that exists today among responsible, hardworking Americans. At the end of the prosperous 1980s, the number of Americans living in working-poor families equaled the combined populations of the nation's 25 largest cities. Contrary to conventional wisdom, this situation is not largely confined to minorities, women, the undereducated or young adults. It is commonplace for workers from nearly all segments of society to be employed in low-paying jobs even during good economic times. The Forgotten Americans reveals the betrayal of the hopes and expectations of these industrious people through broad-based factual evidence and the real-life stories of individual families. Their hardship has been ignored at enormous cost to them and the country. Numerous problems at the forefront of national debate--welfare dependency, crime, and the inadequate performance of many American school children--are closely connected to the existence of working poverty on a large scale. Unless corrective action is taken, the country risks the creation of a deeply fractured society arising from the despair of millions of employed people who have discovered that practicing the work ethic yields little reward. The problem is staggering and often misunderstood by politicians, the media, and the public. Once Schwarz and Volgy have outlined the implications of this social and economic tragedy, they propose effective solutions that require simple changes to existing policies--solutions that are politically feasible and can be accomplished without new taxes.

As chairman of the Federal Reserve Board in the seventies, Arthur Burns had a unique view of the Nixon administration. Burns first joined the Nixon administration as an advisor in 1969 and was privy to the dynamics of the president's coterie over the course of six tumultuous years. Now the recently released secret diary of this top-level economist offers a surprisingly candid inside look at Richard Nixon's fall. The diary tracks Burns's growing awareness of Nixon's behind-the-scenes maneuverings and worrisome behavior (such as "insane shouting") and reveals how such things undermined his respect and enthusiasm for the president. Perhaps even more telling, Burns's evaluations of his colleagues provide piercing insights into the president's inner circle, including Henry Kissinger ("a brilliant political analyst, but admittedly ignorant of economics"), George Schultz ("a no less confused amateur economist"), John Connally ("a thoroughly confused politician"), and the "vulgarians" H. R. Haldeman and John Ehrlichman-the only people he thought Nixon felt relaxed around. The Burns diary also offers rare and telling glimpses into the era's economy--particularly an account of how Nixon exerted political pressure to shape monetary policies that helped to fuel the stagflation of the 1970s. The administration sought to close the so-called gold window, an approximate valuation of dollars with gold bullion, by floating the dollar, and the consensus over many years has been that Nixon himself arranged this-speculation now confirmed by Burns's diary. It also underscores the growing pressure Burns felt to serve the needs of Nixon's reelection bid rather than the economic welfare of the nation. Sequestered for decades and unavailable until 2008, this document reveals an honest and relatively apolitical man surrounded by partisans in top administrative positions who were dishonest, inept-or both. "The President has many shortcomings," wrote Burns. "He has few convictions, but now and then he gets into a euphoric mood where he wants to persuade himself that he's a statesman. But his sycophantic advisers cannot even recognize that." Deftly annotated by distinguished historian Robert Ferrell, who provides effective historical context and perspective, the Burns diary is a potent-and poignant-testament to the Machiavellian and often Byzantine world of American presidential politics.

"Spanish colonialism, the authors suggest, was the cutting edge of the early global economy. America's silver permitted Spain to graft early capitalistic elements onto its late medieval structures, reinforcing its patromonialism and dynasticism. However, the authors argue, silver gave Spain an illusion of wealth, security, and hegemony, while its system of "managed" transatlantic trade failed to monitor silver flows that were beyond the control of government officials." "Silver, Trade, and War is about men and markets, national rivalries, diplomacy and conflict, and the advancement or stagnation of states."--Jacket

"Spanish colonialism, the authors suggest, was the cutting edge of the early global economy. America's silver permitted Spain to graft early capitalistic elements onto its late medieval structures, reinforcing its patromonialism and dynasticism. However, the authors argue, silver gave Spain an illusion of wealth, security, and hegemony, while its system of "managed" transatlantic trade failed to monitor silver flows that were beyond the control of government officials." "Silver, Trade, and War is about men and markets, national rivalries, diplomacy and conflict, and the advancement or stagnation of states."--Jacket

Ellen Meiksins Wood is a leading contemporary political theorist who has been described as the founder, together with Robert Brenner, of Political Marxism,' a distinct version of historical materialism which has inspired a research program that spans a number of academic disciplines. Organized thematically, this Reader provides an overview of her original interpretations of capitalism, and many different topics.

During the opening years of the 21st century, anti-­Semitic venom and incidents of violent assault on Jews have begun spreading. They are not a historical aberration. They are fueled by today's capitalist crises and fracturing of the post-World War II imperialist "order," described in recent decades as "globalization." At every turning point in history-from antiquity through feudalism, to capitalism's rise and the imperialist death throes of the past century-Jews have been targets of persecution. Including the genocide cold-bloodedly touted by Hitler as the "Final Solution." Why is Jew-hatred still raising its ugly head? What are its class roots? Why is there "no solution to the Jewish question under capitalism, just as there is no solution to other problems before humanity," without revolutionary struggles that transform us as we fight to transform our world? Abram Leon was killed in October 1944, at age 26, in the Nazi gas chambers at Auschwitz. He left us this book to help answer those questions.