Robert Eisenman's classic work, Islamic Law in Palestine and Israel: A History of the Survival of Tanzimat and Sharia, examines how Islamic law, such as Shari law, survived in Palestine and Israel in a pure form perhaps longer than in any other Ottoman successor state. It did this for a variety of reasons, chief among which are the innate conservatism of the British and the inability of the Israelis, particularly in the country's early days, to do much about it. Besides Lebanon and Gaza, only in Israel did those three great monuments of Islamic and Ottoman modernism: the Ottoman Law of Family Rights, the Ottoman Land Code, and the Mecelle-i Akham-i Adliye, survive simultaneously. Author, Robert Eisenman, traces this continuity from Ottoman times in terms understandable to both specialists, lawyers, and laypersons. The anomaly of Islamic laws', such as Sharia law, survival against the backdrop of British legal concepts and renascent Jewish nationalism is delineated completely. Detailed attention is also given to the effect, or non-effect, of such Israeli reforms in Women's Equal Rights Law on the Muslim community and on Islamic law, as well as to the creation of Israeli hybrid laws, such as the Land Law of 1969, and a new Israeli modernism. The situation in Israel today remains more or less the same. In some areas beyond the 1967 Green Lines, where Israeli Law has been applied, it is as described in this book. In others, which have not been annexed or where it has not, Jordanian Law for the most part still obtains.

Ralph Miliband In This Classic Text Raises Pertinent Questions Like: How And Why Does Capitalism Limit Democracy And The Meaning Of Citizenship? What Is Class And Class Conflict? What Is The Relationship Between The Capitalist System And The State Apparatus? What Is The Interconnection Between Classes And Their Agencies Or Parties? What Are The Instruments Through Which The Dominant Class Exercises Hegemony? Why Did Post-Revolutionary Regimes, Like The Soviet Union, Fail To Establish A System Of Socialist Democracy?Miliband Put Forward A Non-Traditional Approach To The Subject A Combination Of A Theoretical Analysis With A Passionate Commitment To Alternative Left Politics. He Analyses Limits Of Bourgeois Democracy, Which Is Crippled By Its Class Limitations, And Under Constant Threat Of Further And Drastic Impairment, Never More So Than In An Epoch Of Permanent And Severe Crisis. But The Civic Freedoms Are The Product Of Centuries Of Unremitting Popular Struggles. The Task Of Marxist Politics Is To Defend These Freedoms And To Make Possible Their Extension And Enlargement By The Removal Of Their Class Boundaries.

This book is an attempt to hold the policies of George W. Bush, and his actions as president, up to an ethical standard - including his own. But it goes beyond that. it is also a study in a distinctively American ethic, for there are many features of this ethic that are not widely held elsewhere in the developed world.

Varieties of Progressivism in America focuses on the debates within the party of progress about how best to increase opportunity in America and to make social and political life more egalitarian. The contributors to this volume offer different expertise and varying perspectives as they examine the Old Democrats of the New Deal, the contributions of the Clinton-era New Democrats, and the future of progressivism in America.

Civil War on Race Street, so named because Race Street was the road that divided blacks and whites in Cambridge, Maryland, is a detailed examination of one of the most vibrant locally based struggles for racial equality during the 1960s. Beginning with an overview of Cambridge, particularly its history of racial and class relations, Peter Levy traces the emergence of the modern civil rights movement in this city on Maryland's Eastern Shore. Catalyzed by the arrival of freedom in 1962, the movement in Cambridge expanded in 1963 and 1964 under the leadership of Gloria Richardson, one of the most prominent (and one of the few female) civil rights leaders in the nation. In the years after her departure from Cambridge, the movement went into decline until 1967, when it underwent a brief revival that culminated with a riot allegedly incited by black power spokesman H. Rap Brown. In the wake of the riot, blacks and whites in Cambridge sought to rebuild their city and return to a politics of moderation. However, Spiro Agnew, then governor of Maryland, used the riot to advance his political career and the fortunes of the New Right, thereby garnering the attention of the public (as well as Richard Nixon) and achieving the vice-presidency in 1968. At the same time, H. Rap Brown saw his influence and that of the civil rights movement decline.

This classic comparative study examines the thoughts of seven major writers on the subject of anarchy, using their own words to define the concept of anarchism, with subsidiary investigations of their ideology on the subjects of law, the state, and property. Three-quarters of this book consists of classified quotations from the seven writers—Godwin, Proudhon, Stirner, Bakunin, Kropotkin, Tucker, and Tolstoy; the author’s incisive commentary on each forms the balance of the text. An excellent introduction to anarchist theory and a convenient reference, this volume features a chronological presentation that clearly illustrates the theory’s historical development. The author selects the most important aspects of doctrine and matches them with revealing quotations. His choice of apt illustrations makes this compilation consistently interesting and enlightening, leaving readers with vivid and definite impressions of anarchistic teachings.

Who were the populists? Jew haters and baiters or humanists? Anti-intellectual Babbitts or rational radicals? Proto-fascists or proto-reformers? Professor Pollack passionately supports the traditional, sympathetic, liberal portrayal of the movement in his fascinating Introduction. Here he breaks lances with the establishement of the revisionist school - Richard Hofstander, Oscar Handlin, and Seymour Martin Lipset, among others. The eighty-nine documents assembled in this anthology - from newspaper articles, editorials, political speeches and tracts, manuscripts, letters, and books - in many cases are reprinted here for the first time. They may or may not convince you that Mr. Pollack is correct in his "counter-revisionist" interpretation of the Populist movement. The documents are specific about the exploitative conditions of the time, their causes and their proposed solutions. But they leave open for the reader the still ambiguous interpretation of what motivated the participants. For example, Ignatius onnelley, western Populist from Minneapolis, wrote in CAESAR'S COLUMN (1890) : The world today clamors for deeds, not creeds; for charity, not ceremony;for love, not intellect. Are these the words of a messianic crackpot or of an effective radical reformer with a realistic program? Was the Young Tom Watson, leader of the People's Party in the South, friend to the Negro, crusading liberal of the period, the true Tom Watson? Or was a Hyde to this Jekyll ever lurking in his program and personality - expressing itself in the virulently anti-Semictic, aniti-Catholic, anti-Negro utterances of the old Thomas E. Watson from the floor of the United States Senate? As Pollack syas at the conclusion of his Introduction : "A great deal of work remains to be done, both in research and interpretation, before the Populist movement as a dynamic social force is fully understood". This superb collection may suggest paths to that end" - Publisher.

Rothbard opens with a theoretical treatment of business cycle theory, showing how an expansive monetary policy generates imbalances between investment and consumption. He proceeds to examine the Fed's policies of the 1920s, demonstrating that it was quite inflationary even if the effects did not show up in the price of goods and services. He showed that the stock market correction was merely one symptom of the investment boom that led inevitably to a bust. The Great Depression was not a crisis for capitalism but merely an example of the downturn part of the business cycle, which in turn was generated by government intervention in the economy. Had the book appeared in the 1940s, it might have spared the world much grief. Even so, its appearance in 1963 meant that free-market advocates had their first full-scale treatment of this crucial subject. The damage to the intellectual world inflicted by Keynesian- and socialist-style treatments would be limited from that day forward.--Amazon.com

Michael Ratner (1943-2016) was one of America's leading human rights lawyers. He worked for more than four decades at the Center for Constitutional Rights (CCR) becoming first the Director of Litigation and then the President of what Alexander Cockburn called "a small band of tigerish people." He was also the President of the National Lawyers Guild. Ratner handled some of the most significant cases In American history. This book tells why and how he did it. His last case, which he worked on until he died, was representing truth-telling whistleblower and now political prisoner Julian Assange, the editor of WikiLeaks. Ratner "moved the bar" by organizing some 600 lawyers to successfully defend habeas corpus, that is, the ancient right of someone accused of a crime to have a lawyer and to be brought before a judge. Michael had a piece of paper taped on the wall next to his desk at the CCR. It read: 4 key principles of being a radical lawyer: 1. Do not refuse to take a case just because it is long odds of winning in court. 2. Use cases to publicize a radical critique of US policy and to promote revolutionary transformation. 3. Combine legal work with political advocacy. 4. Love people. Compelling and instructive, Moving the Bar is an indispensable manual for the next generation of activists and their lawyers.

In this seminal exploration of Che Guevara's contributions to Marxist thinking, Michael Lswy traces Che's ideas about Marxism both as they related to Latin America and to more general philosophical, political, and economic issues. Now revised and updated, this edition includes a chapter on Guevara's search for a new paradigm of socialism and a substantive essay by Peter McLaren on Che's continued relevance today. This book eloquently captures his views on humanity, his contributions to the theory of revolutionary warfare, and his ideas about society's transition to socialism, offering a cohesive, nuanced introduction to the range of Guevara's thought.

Record numbers of Americans describe themselves as “independents” and reject the conventional agendas of Left and Right. In this widely acclaimed book, Ted Halstead and Michael Lind explain why today’s ideologies and institutions are so ill-suited to the Information Age, and offer a groundbreaking blueprint for updating all sectors of America society. Taking on partisans and experts on both sides of the political divide, they propose far-reaching reforms for the way we provide health and retirement security, collect taxes, organize elections, enforce civil rights, and educate our children. Twice before the United States has dramatically reconfigured itself, shifting from an agrarian to an industrial society after the Civil War and successfully adapting to the massive technological and demographic changes of the early twentieth century during the New Deal era. Uniting a sweeping historical vision with bold policy proposals, The Radical Center shows us how to reinvent our nation once again so that all Americans can reap the benefits of the Information Age.

"Was Marx's Capital intended as a study of capitalism as a whole or was it meant as an analysis of capital? In Beyond 'Capital', Michael A. Lebowitz explores the implications of the book on wage-labour that Marx originally intended to write. Focusing on critical assumptions in Capital that were to be removed in Wage-Labour and upon Marx's methodology, Lebowitz stresses the one-sidedness of Marx's Capital and argues that the side of the workers, their goals and their struggles in capitalism have been ignored by a one-sided Marxism characterized by determinism, reductionism and a silence on human experience. In this completely reworked edition of his 1992 book, Lebowitz introduces three new chapters and explores problems in Marx's wage theory, the place of the workers' state in Marx's theory and the importance of the concept of the collective worker."--BOOK JACKET.

""Heil Hunger! Health Under Hitler"" is a non-fiction book written by Martin Gumpert. The book explores the impact of Nazi policies on the health and well-being of the German people during the Third Reich. Gumpert examines the various measures taken by the Nazi regime to promote health and fitness, including the establishment of physical education programs and the promotion of healthy eating habits. However, he also highlights the negative effects of Nazi policies, such as the forced sterilization of individuals deemed ""unfit"" and the mistreatment of concentration camp prisoners. Through extensive research and analysis, Gumpert provides a comprehensive look at the complex and often contradictory relationship between health and politics in Nazi Germany. Overall, ""Heil Hunger! Health Under Hitler"" offers a thought-provoking perspective on a dark period in history and the ways in which ideology can impact public health.This scarce antiquarian book is a facsimile reprint of the old original and may contain some imperfections such as library marks and notations. Because we believe this work is culturally important, we have made it available as part of our commitment for protecting, preserving, and promoting the world's literature in affordable, high quality, modern editions, that are true to their original work.

In this work, Buber expounds upon and defends the Zionist experiment - a federal system of communities on a co-operative basis. He looks to the anarchists Proudhon, Kropotkin and Gustav Landauer, but selects only that part of their doctrines appropriate to his case.

Achieving social justice is one of the key challenges facing the world today scholars of political theory have long grappled with issues arising from it however, as the history of ideas shows, the concept itself has undergone much change over the centuries and there is no watertight definition of what ‘justice’ connotes in the contemporary context going beyond the existing frontiers of social justice, this unique volume aims to develop theoretical concepts able to respond to real dilemmas facing society today the author closely examines the classical social contract theory, one of the most widely accepted approaches to social justice in the western tradition she focuses in particular on the ideas of one of the greatest names in contemporary political philosophy, john rawls, whose work developed the theory to new philosophical depths and complexity nussbaum moves in a fresh direction and suggests that there is an inherent limitation within the social contract theory, even in the work of rawls—it is premised on the idea of a contract for mutual advantage among approximate equals she demonstrates that it is unable to address questions of social justice between unequal parties instead she goes on to develop a theory of social justice based on the ‘capabilities approach’, which she places generally within the tradition of ‘liberal conceptions’ the author analyses three social issues which could not be resolved, or even really addressed by traditional theories of justice—the problem of achieving justice for persons with physical and mental disability, of extending justice to all citizens of the world, and lastly the problem of doing justice in relation to the treatment of ‘non-human animals’ she helps us to think more clearly about the purpose of political cooperation and the nature of political principles—and to look to a future of greater justice for all

Noted political philosopher Judith Shklar declined to write a book about American political thought because, she once claimed, "the subject is too hard." She finally took on this formidable task late in her career, but her untimely death left most of the work unpublished. Now Redeeming American Political Thought makes these essays, some published here for the first time, available to readers. In these thirteen essays, Shklar explores two themes crucial to discussions of American democracy: first, what she terms the "fundamental social condition" of American life, the tension between expansive political equality and persistent social inequality; and second, "redeeming" American political thought for those who believe it lacks the complexity and depth of the European tradition. She covers issues ranging from the use of history in political discourse to the effect of skepticism on politics and thinkers from Hamilton and Jefferson to Melville. The strength and depth of this collection underscore Shklar's reputation as one of this century's most important liberal scholars. Judith N. Shklar (1928-1992) was Cowles Professor of Government at Harvard University and the author of nine books in political philosophy.

Kentucky State Treasurer Jonathan Miller, a rising star in the Democratic party and the leading advocate for a broader discussion of faith within politics, identifies ten nonpartisan values that unite all Americans, and uses Old Testament stories to highlight them. As an elected official in a "red" and largely Christian state, he has come to understand that although faith is often the source of divisiveness, the language of faith can bring Americans together. Inspiring stories from the Hebrew Bible illustrate Miller's plan to form a Compassionate Community. He shows that these lessons have the power to strengthen our country for future generations.