In this book, Robert Leeson and Charles Palm have assembled an amazing collection of Milton Friedman's best works on freedom. Even more amazing is that the selection represents only 1 percent of the 1,500 works by Friedman that Leeson and Palm have put online in a user-friendly format--and an even smaller percentage if you include their archive of Friedman's audio and television recordings, correspondence, and other writings. This book and the larger online collection are sorely needed and very welcome. Milton Friedman deserves to be read in the original by generation after generation.

This book develops a consistent macroscopic theory of electromagnetism and discusses the relation between circuit theory and field theory. The theory is developed in successive steps from the Lorentz force, the integral form of Maxwell's equations in free space, and suitable macroscopic models of polarized and magnetized matter. Special features * Covers the electromagnetism of moving bodies and the process of electromechanical energy conversion * Introduces a power-series technique for analyzing quasi-static fields and quasi-stationary systems * Emphasizes the synthesis of fields as opposed to the analysis of fields * Presents, in an appendix, the four-dimensional relativistic formulation of macroscopic electrodynamics recently developed by one of the authors (L. J. Chu)

This book develops a consistent macroscopic theory of electromagnetism and discusses the relation between circuit theory and filed theory. The theory is developed in successive steps from the Lorentz force, the integral form of Maxwell's equations in free space, and suitable macroscopic models of polarized and magnetized matter. It covers the electromagnetism of moving bodies and the process of electromechanical energy conversion; introduces a power-series technique for analyzing quasi-static fields and quasi-stationary systems; it emphasizes the synthesis of fields as opposed to the analysis of fields. Presented in an appendix, the reader will also find, the four-dimensional relativistic formulation of macroscopic electrodynamics.

Ralph Miliband In This Classic Text Raises Pertinent Questions Like: How And Why Does Capitalism Limit Democracy And The Meaning Of Citizenship? What Is Class And Class Conflict? What Is The Relationship Between The Capitalist System And The State Apparatus? What Is The Interconnection Between Classes And Their Agencies Or Parties? What Are The Instruments Through Which The Dominant Class Exercises Hegemony? Why Did Post-Revolutionary Regimes, Like The Soviet Union, Fail To Establish A System Of Socialist Democracy?Miliband Put Forward A Non-Traditional Approach To The Subject A Combination Of A Theoretical Analysis With A Passionate Commitment To Alternative Left Politics. He Analyses Limits Of Bourgeois Democracy, Which Is Crippled By Its Class Limitations, And Under Constant Threat Of Further And Drastic Impairment, Never More So Than In An Epoch Of Permanent And Severe Crisis. But The Civic Freedoms Are The Product Of Centuries Of Unremitting Popular Struggles. The Task Of Marxist Politics Is To Defend These Freedoms And To Make Possible Their Extension And Enlargement By The Removal Of Their Class Boundaries.

Kentucky State Treasurer Jonathan Miller, a rising star in the Democratic party and the leading advocate for a broader discussion of faith within politics, identifies ten nonpartisan values that unite all Americans, and uses Old Testament stories to highlight them. As an elected official in a "red" and largely Christian state, he has come to understand that although faith is often the source of divisiveness, the language of faith can bring Americans together. Inspiring stories from the Hebrew Bible illustrate Miller's plan to form a Compassionate Community. He shows that these lessons have the power to strengthen our country for future generations.

The Constitution states that "no religious test" may keep a candidate from aspiring to political office. Yet, since John F. Kennedy used the phrase to deflect concerns about his Catholicism, the public has largely avoided probing candidates' religious beliefs. Is it true, however, that a candidate's religious convictions should be off-limits to public scrutiny? Damon Linker doesn't think so, and in this book he outlines the various elements of religious belief--including radical atheism--that are simply incompatible with high office, and sometimes even active citizenship, in a democracy. In six forceful chapters he enlightens us to the complicated interrelations between churches and states, consistently applying a political litmus test to a range of theological views. Along the way, he clearly explains, among other topics, why the government in a religiously tolerant society must not promote a uniform, absolute code of ethics and behavior; why the conviction that America is worthy of divine attention is dangerous; and why the liberal position on the political deregulation of sex is our nation's only hope for conciliation. In this provocative, hard-hitting manifesto, Linker exhorts both believers and atheists to behave better in the public sphere, and he offers a carefully charted road map for doing so.

2016 Reprint of Undated Original Edition [Circa 1965]. Full facsimile of the original edition, not reproduced with Optical Recognition Software. This gives a succinct account of Rothbard's view of the state. Following Franz Oppenheimer and Albert Jay Nock, Rothbard regards the state as a predatory entity. It does not produce anything but rather steals resources from those engaged in production. In applying this view to American history, Rothbard makes use of the work of John C. Calhoun How can an organization of this type sustain itself? It must engage in propaganda to induce popular support for its policies. Court intellectuals play a key role here, and Rothbard cites as an example of ideological mystification the work of the influential legal theorist Charles Black, Jr., on the way the Supreme Court has become a revered institution. A wealth of citations and references supports the basic premise.

This book offers a fresh and original analysis of the power structure of a number of societies, past and present. There are and ever have been only two essential models of government: minority rule of all types (labelled "oligocracy") and regimes in which power is concentrated in the hands of a single individual (labelled "monocracy"). The present-day "democracies" of Britain and the United States are in reality composite oligocracies made up of several disparate elements. Oligocracies are by definition regimes with a high degree of inequality, but with variable levels of liberty. Oligocracy and inequality are the "default" features of human society. Equality is unattainable except by a radical monocracy like Fidel Castro's Cuba, and then only with difficulty and at the expense of liberty and probably of lives as well. Equality of opportunity must not be equated with equality. Equality of opportunity means an equal opportunity to become unequal. For genuine freedom of expression to exist there also needs to be equality, because the little man standing on his soap-box and shouting his lungs out at Speaker's Corner in London's Hyde Park cannot compete with the media moguls -- which is why genuine freedom of expression is rare. Once these truths are recognised, it becomes clear that for a Western nation to combine "regime change" in a foreign state with an attempt to impose "democracy" and Western "liberal" values on it is likely to be doomed to failure - as is amply demonstrated by the recent history of Iraq, Afghanistan and Libya.

As we leave behind an era in which America tried to assert democracy by force (and often failed), the question arises: what part of our efforts to spread democracy can we preserve for the future? In The Freedom Agenda, James Traub traces the history of America's democratic evangelizing, offering an assessment of the George W. Bush administration's failed efforts abroad. And he puts forth the argument that democracy matters--for human rights, the resolution of conflicts, political stability and equitable development. But America must exercise caution in spreading it, both internationally and at home.

This book comprises findings from the author's wide-ranging research since 1948 on the unresolved Arab/Israel protracted conflict. Brecher reflects back on his detailed analysis of the UN Commission created in November 1947, and his near-seven decades of research and publications on this complex protracted conflict continued since the first of nine Arab/Israeli wars. The book includes an analysis of the crucial early phase of the unresolved struggle for control of Jerusalem in 1948-49 and beyond, based on extensive interviews with Israel’s leaders and prominent Egyptian senior officials, journalists and academics. It addresses the many diverse attempts at conflict resolution, including a peace plan to resolve the Arab/Israel conflict of the author's own design. It concludes with historical reflections about Israel’s behavior, domestically and externally, in 1948-1949 and 2008 and beyond. No other book on this protracted conflict contains so many important interviews with the first two generations of Israeli leaders and Egyptian officials and academics, and no other author can speak from such a deep and prolonged engagement.

Essays discuss Abraham Lincoln, Judge Bork, the decline of Communism, human nature, and the future of democracy

This book is A thoughtful meditation on the values of Judaism and the ideals of the Declaration of Independence. As he makes clear, there is such a thing as the American-Hebraic idea, which is manifested in the ideals of human dignity, the Rule of Law, the democratic ideal, the rights of conscience, and the pursuit of happiness. It is certain to appeal to American Jews who are seeking identity as Americans and as Jews, and to any reader interesting in understanding why Jews feel rooted in modern America -- from AbeBooks website.

In Confirmation Wars, Benjamin Wittes examines the degradation of the judicial nominations process over the past fifty years. Drawing on years of reporting on judicial nominations, including numerous interviews with nominees and sitting judges, he explains how the process has changed and how these changes threaten the independence of the courts. Getting beyond the partisan blame game that dominates most discussion of nominations, he argues that the process has changed as an institutional response by Congress to modern judicial power and urges basic reforms to better insulate the judiciary from the nastiness of contemporary politics.

The contributors to the book were asked to give their assessment of how the messages of Schumpeter's famous tract "Capitalism, Socialism, and Democracy" have stood the test of time. Much as happened in the forty years since Schumpeter wrote the book. Is it possible to say that events have tended to confirm or refute the author's provocative prognoses? Each contributor provides a different and nuanced answer to these questions. The continued importance of those questions has ensured that a century after Schumpeter's birth, scholars take his writings seriously, treating them as living contributions to contemporary debates.

Wendy Doniger and Martha Nussbaum bring together leading scholars from a wide array of disciplines to address a crucial question: How does the world's most populous democracy survive repeated assaults on its pluralistic values? India's stunning linguistic, cultural, and religious diversity has been supported since Independence by a political structure that emphasizes equal rights for all, and protects liberties of religion and speech. But a decent Constitution does not implement itself, and challenges to these core values repeatedly arise-most recently in the form of the Hindu Right movements of the twenty-first century that threatened to destabilize the nation and upend its core values, in the wake of a notorious pogrom in the state of Gujarat in which approximately 2000 Muslim civilians were killed. Focusing on this time of tension and threat, the essays in this volume consider how a pluralistic democracy managed to survive. They examine the role of political parties and movements, including the women's movement, as well as the role of the arts, the press, the media, and a historical legacy of pluralistic thought and critical argument. Featuring essays from eminent scholars in history, religious studies, political science, economics, women's studies, and media studies, Pluralism and Democracy in India offers an urgently needed case study in democratic survival. As Nehru said of India on the eve of Independence: ''These dreams are for India, but they are also for the world.'' The analysis this volume offers illuminates not only the past and future of one nation, but the prospects of democracy for all.

"We live in an age of fury and confusion. A new crisis erupts before the last one has finished: financial crisis, Brexit, pandemic, war in Ukraine, inflation, strikes. Prime Ministers come and go but politics stays divided and toxic. It is tempting to switch off the news, tune out and hope things will get back to normal. Except, this is the new normal, and our democracy can only work if enough people stay engaged without getting enraged. But how? To answer that question, award-winning journalist Rafael Behr takes the reader on a personal journey from despair at the state of politics to hope that there is a better way of doing things, with insights drawn from three decades as a political commentator and foreign correspondent" --

No detailed description available for "The Democratic-Republicans of Massachusetts".