No detailed description available for "The Democratic-Republicans of Massachusetts".

The voice of the Russian communist opposition to Stalin, published from 1929 to 1941. "Absolutely essential for any scholarly study of the Soviet Union" --Tamara Deutscher. 4 vols.

This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work is in the "public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.

Written at the height of Arab terror attacks against Jews in Israel, Rabbi Meir Kahane, head of the Kach Party, says the phenomenon could have been crushed in two days, but instead, has been permitted to fester. Israeli Jews are angry, frustrated and bitter. They are deeply concerned for themselves and their loved ones. They are eager to strike back against those Arabs who are allowed by the government to destroy them. Kahane warns that the situation cannot continue. If the govenment cannot or will not protect Jews lives and property, it loses its legitimate right to rule, and will force desperate Jews to take the law into their own hands. There is another alternative! Kahane suggest that the Israeli government allow its angry citizens to go to the polls themselves, to decide. A referendendum is the only alternative to save mainline Jews from both murderous Arabs and incited Jews.

In this comprehensive picture of Belgian colonialism in the Congo, Lewis Gann and Peter Duignan trace the formation of the colonial state that became Zaire, considering it in the light of colonial experience in other African territories. Whereas most studies have focused on the conquest and subjugation of the African population, this study probes the colonial apparatus itself, investigating the attitudes and behavior of the civil servants and soldiers who built the empire. Originally published in 1979. The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

These articles, written over a period of time from the end of World War II to the American invasion of Vietnam, expose the deception propagated by various administrations and their apologists. That deception was the claim that the United States Government was fighting for "freedom and democracy".

This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. To ensure a quality reading experience, this work has been proofread and republished using a format that seamlessly blends the original graphical elements with text in an easy-to-read typeface. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.

First published in 1975, Prophets on the Right examines the views of five conservative critics of American foreign policy from the 1930s to the Cold War era. This new edition contains an introduction in which the author explains how his recent political reorientation, from left to right, has affected his interpretation of the views of the "prophets."

In a book of keen perception and vast sweep, a foremost scholar examines one hundred years of Russian revolutionary thought and the men who shaped and were caught up in it. Adam Ulam displays an unusual ability to penetrate the core of the Soviet mind as it evolved and was encapsulated in history. Why did the Russians sign a treaty with Hitler? Why did they build a Berlin Wall, rattle missiles, and then sign a nuclear-test-ban treaty with President Kennedy? Why do they fear Titoism? Why was detente fostered when Nixon was president? By reflecting on the psychology, ideology, and frenetic activity of revolutionary Russians, Ulam leads us to answers. Ulam's ability to explain events by tracing the continuities in the Russian mentality makes this work a special achievement in Soviet studies and intellectual history.

Ivan T. Berend is Distinguished Professor at the University of California Los Angeles, Director of the European Studies Program. He was one of the masterminds of regime change in Hungary. He made a career in Hungary as a university professor, Rector of the University of Economics (1973–79), and President of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences (1985–90). He was President of the International Committee of Historical Sciences (1995–2000), and Vice-President of the International Economic History Association (1986–1994). His research interests are the complex economic, social, ideological, and cultural history of Central and Eastern Europe in the 19th–20th century; economic modernization; problems of European backwardness; transition from state socialism to capitalism. He published and 26 books and more than 120 studies. Before he became a professor at UCLA, Ivan Berend had survived five regime changes and two revolutions in Hungary, had been in prison and German concentration camp in 1944–45. His memoir offers an interesting case study, a subjective addition to the "objective" historical works on Central and Eastern European state socialism. It describes the hard choices of intellectuals in a dictatorial state: 1. remain in isolation, concentrate on scholarly works, and exclude politics in your personal life; 2. be in opposition, criticize and unveil the regime, accept discrimination and exclusion; 3. remain within the establishment and work for reforming the country using legal possibilities to criticize the regime and to achieve changes from within. Berend’s book raises basic historical questions and debates, compares East European and American higher education systems, and presents an eyewitness’ insights on life in the United States.

This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important, and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work is in the "public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.

""Film in the Battle of Ideas"" is a book written by John Howard Lawson, a screenwriter and member of the Hollywood Ten who was blacklisted during the McCarthy era. The book explores the role of film in shaping public opinion and political ideology, particularly in the United States during the 1930s and 1940s. Lawson argues that film is a powerful tool for propaganda and that Hollywood has the ability to shape public opinion and influence political discourse. He examines the ways in which films have been used to promote various political ideologies, including fascism, communism, and capitalism, and argues that filmmakers have a responsibility to use their medium for the greater good. The book also delves into the political and cultural climate of Hollywood during the time period, including the effects of the Hays Code and the Red Scare. Overall, ""Film in the Battle of Ideas"" is an insightful and thought-provoking analysis of the intersection between film and politics.This scarce antiquarian book is a facsimile reprint of the old original and may contain some imperfections such as library marks and notations. Because we believe this work is culturally important, we have made it available as part of our commitment for protecting, preserving, and promoting the world's literature in affordable, high quality, modern editions, that are true to their original work.

"The history of the Canadian Congress of Labour and the CIO in Canada traces the evolution of industrial unionism in Canada from the depression years of the 1930s to the 1950s. This is not simply a historical survey. Rather it is the dramatic story of the bitter, bloody, but successful struggle to create an industrial union movement in Canada and the equality fascinating story of the fierce but less successful battle to build a national union movement. It describes the Canadian Congress of Labour's attempts to establish itself as an autonomous labour organization independent of American control and details the efforts of the CIO and its Canadian affiliates to limit that autonomy. The author raises many significant questions concerning the presence of American unions in Canada and the crucial role played by the Communist party in the history of the Canadian labour movement. He rejects many of the standard interpretations of the history of the trade union movement and presents important new evidence to support his position. This study, based on archival sources that have never before been used - the files of the Canadian Congress of Labour and its affiliates - and supplemented by dozens of interviews, should stand as the definitive work on the growth of industrial and international unionism in Canada" - Publisher.

Articles and letters to young militants expelled in 1935 from the rightward-moving Socialist Party of France, explaining the kind of party that must be built to lead a socialist revolution.

No detailed description available for "Titoism and the Cominform".

2020 Reprint of the 1957 Edition. Full facsimile of the original edition and not reproduced with Optical Recognition Software. Howard Fast (1914-2003) was one of the most prolific American writers of the twentieth century. He was a bestselling author of more than eighty works of fiction, nonfiction, poetry, and screenplays. The son of immigrants, Fast grew up in New York City and published his first novel upon finishing high school in 1933. In 1950, his refusal to provide the United States Congress with a list of possible Communist associates earned him a three-month prison sentence. During his incarceration, Fast wrote one of his best-known novels, Spartacus (1951). Throughout his long career, Fast matched his commitment to championing social justice in his writing with a deft, lively storytelling style. In The Naked God the well-known author tells of his disillusionment with Communism and his subsequent break with the Party. The book is Howard Fast's public repudiation of the Communist Party, of which he was a devoted member for thirteen years until reading about the full scope of atrocities committed by the Soviet Union under Stalin. As the bestselling author of Spartacus and Citizen Tom Paine, Howard Fast lent his writing talents and celebrity to the communist cause as a steadfast advocate and public figure. However, he felt increasingly ill at ease with the superior manner Party leaders took with rank-and-file members and with rumors of Soviet anti-Semitism. In The Naked God, his first book after officially leaving the Party in 1956, Howard Fast explores the reasons he joined and his long inner struggle with a political movement in which he never felt he truly belonged.

Originally published in 1981, this book covers the development of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) from its inception to the end of the Weimar republic. Within a historical framework it analyses the role and operation of the SPD in the changing social and political climate of Germany and describes the party's internal struggles throughout the period. The party continually debated its aims and the means to achieve them. Conducted by people such as Kautsky, Bernsteina dn Rosa Luxemburg, with close links to Marx, Engels and other leaders of the international socialist movement, this debate within the party was one of the most fundamental socialist controversies, whose relevance remains today.

Explains how the meaning of these basic themes has changed throughout history and how these ideas are understood by the opposing classes. Revolution as the source of effective human emancipation.

This work has been selected by scholars as being culturally important and is part of the knowledge base of civilization as we know it. This work is in the public domain in the United States of America, and possibly other nations. Within the United States, you may freely copy and distribute this work, as no entity (individual or corporate) has a copyright on the body of the work. Scholars believe, and we concur, that this work is important enough to be preserved, reproduced, and made generally available to the public. To ensure a quality reading experience, this work has been proofread and republished using a format that seamlessly blends the original graphical elements with text in an easy-to-read typeface. We appreciate your support of the preservation process, and thank you for being an important part of keeping this knowledge alive and relevant.

Thumb through the index of almost any study of the Thatcher years -- biographical, scholarly or journalistic -- and you will come across the name of Sir Alfred Sherman. In her memoirs Lady Thatcher herself pays tribute to Sherman's 'brilliance', the 'force and clarity of his mind', his 'breadth of reading and his skills as a ruthless polemicist'. She credits him with a central role in her achievements, especially as Leader of the Opposition but also after she became Prime Minister. Born in 1919 in London's East End, until 1948 Sherman was a Communist and fought in the Spanish Civil War. But he ended up an indefatigable free-market crusader. The book describes his early relationship with Sir Keith Joseph and his own role in the formation of the Centre for Policy Studies in 1974. Sherman examines the origins and development of 'Thatcherism', but concludes that the Conservative administrations of the 1980s were, for the most part, an 'interlude' and that the post-war consensus remains largely unscathed -- 'we are back to where we started'.