The first book-length study of contemporary British Jewry, 'Turbulent Times: The British Jewish Community Today' examines the changing nature of the British Jewish community and its leadership since 1990. Keith Kahn-Harris and Ben Gidley contend that there has been a shift within Jewish communal discourse from a strategy of security, which emphasized Anglo-Jewry's secure British belonging and citizenship, to a strategy of insecurity, which emphasizes the dangers and threats Jews face individually and communally. This shift is part of a process of renewal in the community that has led to something of a 'Jewish renaissance' in Britain. Addressing key questions on the transitions in the history of Anglo-Jewish community and leadership, and tackling the concept of the 'new antisemitism', this important and timely study addresses the question: how has UK Jewry adapted from a shift from monoculturalism to multiculturalism?

The publication of the apocryphal Acts of the Apostles has unveiled a vast yet unexplored domain in ancient Christian literature. These Acts, particularly the oldest ones, provide insights into second-century Christianity. They are vital for understanding early Christian worship practices and offer a glimpse into divine services held in homes, complementing the Acts of the Apostles. They also hold significance in the history of Christian poetry, notably within Gnostic circles. Despite their mix of fact and fiction, these Acts are relevant to educators, preachers, missionaries, and historians. The oldest and most significant Acts are presented in this volume. These Acts are crucial for early Church literature and provide valuable insights into Christian history. Bernhard Pick (1842–1917) was a German-American Lutheran pastor and prolific scholar, studied at New York City's Union Theological Seminary. He contributed extensively to theological encyclopedias, provided critical indexes, and delved into hymnology. This Reader's Edition is based on a public domain text. This text has been thoroughly spellchecked and proofread to correct errors that appear in the public domain edition. The formatting has also been altered to provide a cleaner, more readable experience. Introductions and footnotes not native to the text have been removed to avoid interruptions to and distractions from the text. Many readers find that this allows them a greater ability to focus on the text itself. It is our hope that this Reader's Edition will provide you with the best possible reading experience of this classic text. Our mission is to breathe new life into the pages of the past by removing barriers between the reader and the text.

"In Apogee of Empire, the authors argue that the inability to renovate the Hapsburg legacies reflected reluctance to undertake radical changes first at home, then in Spain's relationship with its colonies." "The Steins trace in detail efforts to reform the Spanish establishment in the early 1760s, initially under the leadership of the marques de Esquilache, who accompanied Charles from Naples. Reformers had to determine which adjustments could be made without risking radical innovation. The ensuring seven-year conflict between reformers and traditionalists ended in a coup that outsted Esquilache. The authors then analyze the shift in focus to the colonies and the emphasis on incrementally modifying a key element of Spanish colonialism, transatlantic trade, via so-called free trade within the imperial system. Comercio libre, like most Bourbon reformism in general, neither realized a colonial pact nor improved Spain's competitive position in the Atlantic trading system. At the time of Charles III's death, the authors conclude, Spain had only made superficial changes, rather than the profound transformation the situation demanded, and by 1789 Spain and its wealthiest colony, New Spain, would be ill-prepared for the coming decades of upheaval in Europe and America."--Jacket

The evolution of the national security state in the United States can be traced from the political, military, and economic dimensions of American power in the postwar world. In Raskin's view, the United States emerged from the Second World War with tremendously increased prestige and material power, and American leadership created a national security apparatus as a planning instrument to ensure national stability, to mute class conflicts, and to secure the domestic economy. This state then became the basis around the world for covert and overt imperialism.The consensus that developed served to maintain stability at home and to guide the modern empire abroad. This development required a state that was orderly and that was predicated on modern bureaucracy, which operated within the values and assumptions of the ruling elites.The national security state system was successful primarily in the economic sphere, with bipartisan foreign-policy decision making aimed at ensuring a stable business climate at home and abroad. Military involvement in Indochina evidenced the decline of American hegemony; the genocidal nature of the arms race and the questions raised by protestors of the sixties signaled the break up of the national security consensus.Raskin concludes the book with an examination of alternative directions, especially regarding the need and the possibilities for renewed public debate of national policy and purpose.

For nearly half a century, until his death in October 1948, Judah Magnes occupied a singular place in Jewish public life. He won fame early as a preacher and communal leader, but abandoned these pursuits at the height of his influence for the roles of political dissenter and moral gadfly. During World War I he became an outspoken pacifist and supporter of radical causes. Settling permanently in Palestine in 1922, he was a founder and the first president of the Hebrew University. Increasingly, he viewed rapprochement with the Arabs as the practical and moral test of Zionism, and the formation of a bi-national state of Arabs and Jews became his chief political goal. His life interests thus focused on the core issues that confronted and still confront the Jewish people: group survival in democratic America, the direction and character of the return to Zion, and the reconciliation of universal ideals with Jewish aspirations and needs. Dissenter in Zion draws upon a rich corpus of private letters, personal journals, and diaries to offer a moving account of an eloquent and sensitive person grappling with the great questions of the day and of an activist striving to translate private moral feelings into public deeds through politics and diplomacy. We see Magnes disagreeing with Brandeis over the leadership and direction of American Zionism and with Weizmann and Ben-Gurion over ways to achieve peaceful relations with the Arabs; defending himself against charges by Einstein that he was mismanaging the affairs of the Hebrew University; and persistently negotiating with Arab leaders, trying to reach a compromise on the eve of the establishment of the State of Israel. Dissenter in Zion also contains a biographical essay on Magnes by Arthur Goren, assessing his ideas and motives and placing him in the context of his times. It shows Magnes's profundity without covering up his weaknesses, his lifelong tactic for courting repeated defeat in favor of long-term goals that could not come to pass in his lifetime.

"If a paternity test were done on South Africa's widely admired Constitution, whose DNA would come up? Is the Constitution just a beautiful piece of paper? If Oliver Tambo were alive today, walking around South Africa, would he be pleased with what he saw? In this riveting, direct account of the genesis of South Africa's Constitution, former Justice Albie Sachs answers these crucial questions. In Oliver Tambo's Dream, Sachs writes about the years he spent working under Tambo's leadership in exile preparing for a post-apartheid constitutional order in South Africa and about the extreme crises that were overcome during the post-1990 constitution-making process to arrive at the document we have today. Tackling the burning issues that face our country today, he argues that the Constitution is a framework for struggle and decolonization that can be used to bring about land reform and true equality"--

Why do people follow a leader, particularly a religious leader? And why, given that Americans are still an overwhelmingly religious people, is the clergy declining in influence? Byron Sherwin argues that what is missing is the perception that religious leaders today are capable of working wonders. Sherwin leads the reader through five periods of Jewish history: the era of biblical prophets, Jesus and first-century Israel; Babylonian rabbis of the third and fourth centuries; the east European Hasidic Masters of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, and twentieth century North African rabbis. In all cases, the moral authority of the leaders came primarily from popular belief in their power to work wonders for the people. Sherwin applies history to the current situation. If the clergy is to be re-empowered, to reclaim leadership and authority as holy people, they must reassert the ability to work wonders. This is a book that every member of the clergy and every religious leader should read, ponder and take to heart.

The President THE CULTURE OF POLITICS AND LEADERSHIP IN AN AGE OF ENLIGHTENMENT BY MATTHEW JOSEPHSON M HARCOURT, BRACE AND COMPANY, NEW YORK 1940, BY JOSEPBCSON All rights reserved, including the right to reproduce this book or portions thereof in any form first edition. CONTENTS Foreword v BOOK ONE i. The Golden Years of McKinley and Hanna 3 n. The Scholars in Politics 29 in. A Splendid Little War j and the Making of a President 65 iv. Toward National Political Leadership 1 1 1 v. Toward Leadership Rooseveltiana 139 vi. Principally World-Wandering 175 vii. The Politics of Reform 210 viii. The Politics of Depression 246 BOOK TWO ix. An Attempted Restoration 285 x. The Ballinger Case An American Affaire Dreyfus 306 xi. Doctor Wilson 330 xn. Colonel Houses Vision 364 xin. The Menace of La Follette 397 xiv. Armageddon 422 iii iv CONTENTS xv. The New Freedom Climax of the Liberal Revolution 460 xvi. Leadership Through War 496 xvn. The Martyrdom of Dr. Wilson 533 Sources 567 Index 573 FOREWORD FOR A hundred years our country was so rich and lucky, it has been said, that political thought was largely unnecessary. However, there is no mistaking the fact that toward the beginning of this century Americans were doing a heap of think ing as they are also doing at the present time. For the generation of 1896 to 1919, the central events and issues assumed a political form. Man was more than ever the political animal, and the political leader was more the key figure than he had been since the i86os. The period itself appeals to us, in retro spect, as far more cultivated and social-minded than that of the preceding generation, of the robber barons and the spoilsmen. It produced a very noteworthypolitical culture. It produced a whole gallery of remarkable and diverse leading characters 5 and even boasted a technique for reproducing them President Making. In our present troubled days, we think almost with envy of the time of the earlier Rooseveltians and the Wilsoniansj of its hope and promise j we think of it as an Age of Enlightenment. Here was a generation that was certainly bent on discovering the promise of American life, to use the phrase of one of its ablest spokesmen, the late Herbert Croly. Intellectually it welcomed change j it set off vigorously in search of new methods, new ideas of leadership, a new equilibrium for political democracy. Casting off the prejudice against public life then entertained in educated circles, men of talent and wealth determinedly entered politics and prepared themselves carefully for their future parts. In their various ways the new type of political leaders set out to save the country from some dimly imagined, but to them, always imminent peril. They sang and they debated 5 they organized and fought 5 until public opinion was deeply aroused. One thing must be said for the characteristic leaders of the party vi FOREWORD of progress 5 they always asked a great deal of their followers. Both Theodore Roosevelt and Woodrow Wilson, for example, de manded on the part of the rich capitalists who so often supported their campaigns both self-denial and self-control. Meanwhile the leaders who were closer, in line of real interest or sympathy, to the plain people, also showed at this time a characteristic tendency to ask a great deal of them. Men like the elder La Follette or Mr. Justice Brandeis held that democracy was essentially a process ofeducation. Their progressive programs favored neither an over ruling capitalism nor an all-embracing state socialism, but a purer, more extended form of political democracy. Therefore, they re quired of the citizens an alert public conscience, a growing knowl edge of public affairs, and readiness to intervene intelligently at almost every point of the governing process, local or national, parliamentary or administrative and technical. Thus political democracy, as shown by the raging discussions and controversies of the time, was carried to a highly advanced zone...

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The Age of the Crowd is at one level an historical account of the development of mass psychology, and at another an analysis of its implications for prevalent political and social life. It was the prophecy of Gustave Le Bon in 1895 that the twentieth century would be 'l'âge des foules' that gave Serge Moscovici the title for his book, and it presents a systematic exposition of Le Bon's ideas and those of Gabriel Tarde, demonstrating convincingly their influence on the theories of collective psychology advanced by Sigmund Freud. These theories are re-examined by Professor Moscovici in a fascinating commentary on political life: Hitler, Mussolini, Lenin, Stalin and Trotsky all in some way applied them in their leadership styles with consequences that are all too familiar. The scenario painted by this volume is a disturbing one. Serge Moscovici's acute analyses of mass phenomena raise fundamental questions concerning the foundations of democracy.

In the nineteenth century, the shrine cities of Najaf and Karbala in Ottoman Iraq emerged as the most important Shi'i centres of learning. In a major contribution to the study of pre-modern Middle Eastern religious institutions, Meir Litvak analyses the social and political dynamics of these communities. Tracing the historical evolution of Shi'i leadership, he explores the determinants of social status amongst the ulama, the concept of patronage, the structure of learning, questions of ethnicity, and financial matters. He also assesses the role of the ulama as communal leaders who, in the face of a hostile Sunni government in Baghdad, were often obliged to adopt a more quietest political stance than their counterparts in Iran. This is an important book which sheds light on the formation of contemporary Shi'ism and the surrounding debates.

The book starts with a background story of the author which explains what led him to his strange life- long hobby of "collecting religions". It then continues by building a systematic foundation to his Exodus theory. It starts with a closely related descriptions of North African history, geography, climate, the Africans, Egypt, and its powerful Nile in ancient times. The author then tells the story of his experiences in Africa, which led him to start his investigation and come up with the theory that the Exodus was partially occurred in North Africa. The book supports the theory with rational proofs including military, engineering, leadership, and common-sense explanations to many mystical stories about the Exodus, including the 10 plaques, crossing the sea of reeds, the reasoning for moving west, the locations of mount Sinai and its volcano "pillar of fire", the Tombs of Lust, the snakes attack in the Valley of the Serpents, the Manna tree, the golden Calf, the construction of the large Ark of Covenant and more. In addition, the author supports his theory by identifying 20 locations, which are listed in the Bible through which the Israelites passed from Egypt to Canaan, that still exist in North Africa today. Finally, the author brings additional evidence in support of his theory which relate to the similarity of African languages, such as Bambara, to Hebrew as well as similarities of African religious traditions, customs, and rituals to the ancient Jewish ones. Thus, concluding that some of the Israelites left The Exodus journey and settled in Africa, such as the Bambara tribes. The second part of the book describes the author's search for the hidden footsteps of the Ten lost Tribes on Israel. It starts with an historical background of the life in Canaan after the Israelites arrived there from Egypt, and the misfortunate events which led to the expulsion of the Ten Tribes by the Assyrians. It also presents some known historical records of the Japanese people since the time they arrived in their islands including some personal adventurous experiences of the author along the route that they took from Assyria through Asia to Japan. The proof of the theory is greatly related to the author's discoveries of similarities between the Japanese mythological stories, customs, holidays, rituals and their parallel biblical Jewish stories, holidays, custom and traditions. In addition, it presents many linguistic similarities between Hebrew and Japanese including words, writing letters and symbols that support his theory that the Japanese and the ancient Ten Lost Tribes of Israel are strongly related. The book finishes with a dictionary that shows similarities in meaning and pronunciation of many Hebrew, Bambara and Japanese words that support the author's theories that their history is closely related.

In 2001, on the heels of the disastrous Durban racism conference and the terror attacks of 11 September 2001 in the United States, South African cabinet minister Ronnie Kasrils launched a declaration calling on South Africans of Jewish descent to protest against Israeli policies towards the Palestinians. In so doing, he launched a furious debate within the Jewish community. The debate caused the leadership of the Jewish community to shift its political strategy, from the politics of open debate towards the politics of influence. The Jewish experience resembled that of other minorities and interest groups whose leaders came to be seen as 'representing government in their respective communities rather than the community addressing themselves to government', in the words of historian Hermann Giliomee. The Kasrils Affair: Jews and minority politics in post-apartheid South Africa: Documents the Kasrils declaration and its implications both for the Jewish community and South African politics in general. Places the Kasrils affair in the context of South African Jewish history and of the 'new antisemitism' facing Jews around the world. Gives an 'embedded' account of events, based on public commentary and interviews with South African Jewish leaders.

"This is a biography of labor and political activist Frank Lumpkin featuring his leadership of the struggle to recoup the pensions of the former work force at Republic Steel"--

Judaism's Promise, Meeting The Challenge Of Modernity follows Seymour W. Itzkoff's well-received three-book series, Who Are the Jews? Judaism's Promise , confronts the many revolutions that have reshaped Judaism over the centuries allowing it and its people a path of leadership into the modern world. It takes the writings of the Torah, Holy Scriptures, and Talmud seriously as exemplars of the human search for civilizational and moral intellectuality. The book's basic concern is with the withering of Judaism as a force in contemporary Western civilization. Sadly millions of Jews have left the faith. Others venture forth only hesitantly into a synagogue, now a bastion of fossilized ritual and conspicuous consumption. These millions needed more from the orthodoxy, and this book attempts to show them the way back by giving renewed life to the heritages of Judaism, and, consequently, to its meaning for the modern world. Judaism's Promise argues for a return to the synagogue's originating Hellenistic commitment «to come together» in intellectual and moral study. As Rabbi Mordecai Kaplan argued, Judaism must once more become in the 20-21st century the civilization that it once represented to the wider world, and not a fossilized ceremonialism.

'The Conscience of Lebanon: A Political Biography of Etienne Sakr' combines an account of a Lebanese personality with a penetrating analysis of the historical and religious contours of Lebanon. His life is part of the national epic with elements of Christian faith and Maronite sophistication, interconfessional modes of partnership, and violence tearing apart the fabric of social and economic life. Integral to the narrative and incisively unconventional interpretation is the complex politics of Lebanon intermixed with the war that erupted in 1975." "Personal testimonies from Lebanese residents and conversations with others outside Lebanon, who knew Abu-Arz, in addition to interviews with Israelis acquainted with him, provide a dimension of authenticity to the portrait drawn of this remarkable man. Etienne Sakr, with a steadfast ideological commitment to a non-Arab Lebanese identity and political independence, fought the Syrian and Palestinian intruders, and with his Guardians of the Cedars Party cooperated with Israel. While ineluctably embroiled in the inter-Christian power struggles, Abu-Arz acquired a reputation as the conscience of Lebanon, but without achieving a position of power ascendancy. But he was present in the Lebanese Forces decision-making councils, and his own revelatory evidence contributes to an understanding of the agony and divisiveness that characterized the Christian leadership in the turmoil of war. His moral stance was clear and his political judgment filled with foresight, but hispatriots often preferred to ignore his message and marginalize his role.

In September 1791, two years after the Revolution, French Jews were granted full rights of citizenship. Scholarship has traditionally focused on this turning point of emancipation while often overlooking much of what came before. In Rites and Passages, Jay R. Berkovitz argues that no serious treatment of Jewish emancipation can ignore the cultural history of the Jews during the ancien régime. It was during the late seventeenth and eighteenth centuries that several lasting paradigms emerged within the Jewish community—including the distinction between rural and urban communities, the formation of a strong lay leadership, heightened divisions between popular and elite religion, and the strain between local and regional identities. Each of these developments reflected the growing tension between tradition and modernity before the tumultuous events of the French Revolution.Rites and Passages emphasizes the resilience of religious tradition during periods of social and political turbulence. Viewing French Jewish history through the lens of ritual, Berkovitz describes the struggles of the French Jewish minority to maintain its cultural distinctiveness while also participating in the larger social and economic matrix. In the ancien régime, ritual systems were a formative element in the traditional worldview and served as a crucial repository of memories and values. After the Revolution, ritual signaled changes in the way Jews related to the state, French society, and French culture. In the cities especially, ritual assumed a performative function that dramatized the epoch-making changes of the day. The terms and concepts of the Jewish religious tradition thus remained central to the discourse of modernization and played a powerful role in helping French Jews interpret the diverse meanings and implications of emancipation. Introducing new and previously unused primary sources, Rites and Passages offers a fresh perspective on the dynamic relationship between tradition and modernity.

This historic book may have numerous typos and missing text. Purchasers can usually download a free scanned copy of the original book (without typos) from the publisher. Not indexed. Not illustrated. 1921 edition. Excerpt: ... Chapter iv the nature of the russian revolution vThe Russian revolution seemingly mocked the specific forecasts of Marx and Engels as it defied the generally accepted Marxian law of social evolution./. It was neither preceded nor supplemented by a general working class revolution in the West. It did not spring from the village community. That institution had been rapidly and steadily declining until 1917. It did not succeed an outworn_capitalist-system.' CapitalismoccupTeoTa comparatively insignificant part in the economic life of Russia. The Russian reyolution owes morp to the unusual conditions created by the war tnartto thYliormal "course of the country's economic or political development."" Thejnain factors of its success were: / 1. The sudden collapse of the whole organization of national life. A 2. The utter demoralization of the bureaucracy. y3. A weak and unorganized bourgeoisie, y 4. An impoverished, war-weary, rebellious and desperate population. 5. An overwhelmingly large and land-hungry peasantry. 6. Millions of workers and peasants organized into an army and suddenly freed from military discipline--a liberated and armed people available for revolutionary service. 7. Spontaneously created but relatively strong and well-knit organizations of industrial workers in the large cities, who represented the only active and cohesive social force of the country. 8. A small but resolute group of Socialists trained in European theories of Socialism and ready to assume and to exercise leadership. The early Socialist movement of Russia has been characterized as the 'lilleyitimate chil(Lof-Asiatic-R-ttssia and European Capitalism " jfFrom the point of view of the conventional Marxian historian the Russian revolution may be described as the...