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Fragments Of Political Science On Nationalism And Internationalism has been considered by academicians and scholars of great significance and value to literature. This forms a part of the knowledge base for future generations. So that the book is never forgotten we have represented this book in a print format as the same form as it was originally first published. Hence any marks or annotations seen are left intentionally to preserve its true nature.

This book probes the depths of libertarian philosophy and highlights the need for laws that protect all individuals in society. This book defines libertarianism as a theory of what is just law, it is predicated upon the non-aggression principle (NAP). This legal foundation of the libertarian philosophy states that it should be illicit to threaten or engage in initiatory violence against innocent people. Ultimately, this book presents the notion, defend the “undefendable.” This book defines that as; any person, institution, professional, worker, which is either reviled by virtually everyone, or prohibited by law, and does not violate the NAP. Weaved throughout, this book uses political philosophy to present three fundamental premises to explain this libertarian point of view. Firstly, this book defines the non-aggression principle (NAP). Secondly, demonstrates the importance and relevance of private property rights in this context. This bookuses practical examples to demonstrate the theoretical application of freedom rights using libertarianism principles.

Originally published in 1981, this book covers the development of the Social Democratic Party (SPD) from its inception to the end of the Weimar republic. Within a historical framework it analyses the role and operation of the SPD in the changing social and political climate of Germany and describes the party's internal struggles throughout the period. The party continually debated its aims and the means to achieve them. Conducted by people such as Kautsky, Bernsteina dn Rosa Luxemburg, with close links to Marx, Engels and other leaders of the international socialist movement, this debate within the party was one of the most fundamental socialist controversies, whose relevance remains today.

A collection of essays analyzing the future of communism in the light of contemporary reforms. A number of critical intellectuals who have personally experienced the communist system, present a number of analyses ranging from the optimistic to the foreboding.

A blend of political theory, social theory, and philosophy of culture, the book will show the relationship and tension between thought and action, politics and literature, power and dissent in modern politics and culture.

In this short but persuasive book, life-long conservative Hugh Segal confronts the beliefs of the new right by exposing its roots, misrepresentations, and excesses--and makes the case for a civil conservatism that reflects a confident, yet sensitive socity, in which open debate tenders stability, social justice, and opportunity.

Bernard Yack seeks to identify and account for the development of a form of discontent held in common by a large number of European philosophers and social critics, including Rousseau, Schiller, the young Hegel, Marx, and Nietzsche. Yack contends that these individuals, despite their profound disagreements, shared new perspectives on human freedom and history, and that these perspectives gave their discontent its peculiar breadth and intensity. This title is part of UC Press's Voices Revived program, which commemorates University of California Press’s mission to seek out and cultivate the brightest minds and give them voice, reach, and impact. Drawing on a backlist dating to 1893, Voices Revived makes high-quality, peer-reviewed scholarship accessible once again using print-on-demand technology. This title was originally published in 1992.

This volume comprises papers presented at a conference marking the 50th anniversary of Joachim Wach's death, and the centennial of Mircea Eliade's birth. Its purpose is to reconsider both the problematic, separate legacies of these two major twentieth-century historians of religions, and the bearing of these two legacies upon each other. Shortly after Wach's death in 1955, Eliade succeeded him as the premiere historian of religions at the University of Chicago. As a result, the two have been associated with each other in many people's minds as the successive leaders of the so-called "Chicago School" in the history of religions. In fact, as this volume makes clear, there never was a monolithic Chicago School. Although Wach reportedly referred to Eliade as the most astute historian of religions of the day; the two never met, and their approaches to the study of religions differed significantly. Several dominant issues run through the essays collected here: the relationship between the two men's writings and their lives, and in Eliade's case, the relationship between his political commitments and his writings in fiction, history of religions, and autobiography. Both men's contributions to the field continue to provoke controversy and debate, and this volume sheds new light on these controversies and what they reveal about these two `scholars' legacies.

Earlier this year, 2012, I published a book with Ishi Press entitled, Ron Paul for President in 2012: Yes to Ron Paul and Liberty. That book title has been overtaken by the press of events. I write, now, on August 31, 2012, and Mitt Romney has just been chosen as the standard bearer for the GOP in the upcoming November election. I persist in believing that had the Republican Party played fair, to say nothing of the mainstream media, Dr. Paul might have had a real chance to beat Governor Romney for that nomination. If Paul had won the GOP nomination, I still maintain that the Congressman from Texas would have easily overwhelmed President Barack Obama in the fall vote. Recent head to head surveys between the two resulted in a dead heat. My thought is that when the Obama voters realize that Paul stands with them on peace, on legalization of drugs, on opposition to bail outs to those to the fat cat crony capitalists who are “too big to fail,” on the closure of Guantanamo, on personal liberties, there would not have been much of a contest between the two of them. But this is not to be. So, I am coming out with another book, exactly like the previous one, except for this preface to what might be considered the second edition of that publication, and also except for the change in title. This new book is now entitled: Yes to Ron Paul and Liberty. Did Ron Paul fail in his presidential bid? When the Republican primaries began, these were the candidates: Michele Bachman, Herman Cain, Newt Gingrich, John Huntsman, Gary Johnson, Ron Paul, Tim Pawlenty, Rick Perry, Buddy Roemer, Mitt Romney and Rick Santorum. Guess who, after a long grueling contest, were the last two standing? Despite the fact that Ron Paul was the last one to leave the race, obviously, yes, he “failed.” He received more votes from Democrats and Independents than any other person in the primary race, and more financial contributions from members of our armed forces, but Dr. Ron Paul will still not be on the November ballot. So why publish this “new” book? Because our beloved rEVOLution goes on. Ron Paul will continue to expose millions of Americans, and billions of people all around the world, to the evils of imperialistic war-mongering, to the mischief of the Federal Reserve System, to the benefits of true free market capitalism. He will again and again make the case in favor of Austrian economics, the gold standard and private property rights. He will demonstrate, again and again and yet again, the evils of the National Defense Authorization Ac, of murdering American citizens without a trial, of water boarding, of indefinite detention. He will defend whistle blowers such as Bradley Manning and Julian Assange. He will make the case that the war on drugs is no more justified, nor pragmatic, than alcohol prohibition. He will make the case that American troops in 900 foreign military bases in some 140 different countries does not at all constitute “defense”; that had any other country done anything like this, we would all see it for the imperialism that it really is. He will convince people that the best course of action is to “legalize freedom.”

45p slim paperback, portrait to cover, very well preserved, one very faint pencil marks to margin, barely visible, very good, this copy published in the year 1979