"The original Bloomberg by Bloomberg was published in 1997 and focused primarily on the genesis of the financial software, data, and media company, Bloomberg L.P. Bloomberg began his career at the securities brokerage Salomon Brothers, before forming Bloomberg L.P. in 1981 and spending the next twenty years as its Chairman and CEO. Bloomberg by Bloomberg featured insights and anecdotes from Bloomberg's illustrious career and advice for aspiring entrepreneurs. In 2001, Bloomberg became the 108th Mayor of New York City, and he was reelected for two more terms. Thus, Bloomberg by Bloomberg, Second Edition will feature additional content highlighting Bloomberg's time as mayor of NYC and how it affected his principles"--

"Barack Obama has called Jason Kander the future of the Democratic Party. A former Army Captain who served in Afghanistan, Kander was the first millennial ever elected to statewide office. Today, he is the founder and president of Let America Vote, and a bold new voice in American politics. In OUTSIDE THE WIRE, Jason Kander writes candidly about his life, from joining the military following 9/11, to launching his first political campaign, to becoming the next step in the evolution of the Democratic Party following the 2016 presidential election. Kander's signature outspoken voice is on full display as he guides readers through his own journey from soldier to politician, detailing -- often with a dose of humor -- the lessons he's learned along the way. OUTSIDE THE WIRE is an inspiring and entertaining argument for a life of service, as well as a hopeful vision of America's future as seen through the eyes of one of its most dedicated citizens." -- Publisher's annotation.

What It Means to Serve the Public In a vigorous defense of public life, Senator Joseph Lieberman, renowned as one of our most articulate and respected politicians, defines the duty, the honor and the privilege of public life in the face of Americans' perennial cynicism about it. Drawing widely from his own experience as a politician and his pride in public service, Lieberman makes a passionate, hopeful argument for the value of public life -- its place and necessity in our democracy and our need for more Americans to embrace it if we are to sustain our self-government.

Every city and every state needs a Richard Ravitch. In sixty years on the job, whether working in business or government, he was the man willing to tackle some of the most complex challenges facing New York. Trained as a lawyer, he worked briefly for the House of Representatives, then began his career in his family's construction business. He built high-profile projects like the Whitney Museum and Citicorp Center but his primary energy was devoted to building over 40,000 units of affordable housing including the first racially integrated apartment complex in Washington, D.C. He dealt with architects, engineers, lawyers, bureaucrats, politicians, union leaders, construction workers, bankers, and tenants—virtually all of the people who make cities and states work. It was no surprise that those endeavors ultimately led to a life of public service. In 1975, Ravitch was asked by then New York Governor Hugh Carey to arrange a rescue of the New York State Urban Development Corporation, a public entity that had issued bonds to finance over 30,000 affordable housing units but was on the verge of bankruptcy. That same year, Ravitch was at Carey's side when New York City's biggest banks said they would no longer underwrite its debt and he became instrumental to averting the city's bankruptcy. Throughout his career, Ravitch divided his time between public service and private enterprise. He was chairman of the Metropolitan Transportation Authority from 1979 to 1983 and is generally credited with rebuilding the system. He turned around the Bowery Savings Bank, chaired a commission that rewrote the Charter of the City of New York, served on two Presidential Commissions, and became chief labor negotiator for Major League Baseball. Then, in 2008, after Governor Eliot Spitzer resigned in a prostitution scandal and New York State was in a post-financial-crisis meltdown, Spitzer's successor, David Paterson, appointed Ravitch Lieutenant Governor and asked him to make recommendations regarding the state's budgeting plan. What Ravitch found was the result of not just the economic downturn but years of fiscal denial. And the closer he looked, the clearer it became that the same thing was happening in most states. Budgetary pressures from Medicaid, pension promises to public employees, and deceptive budgeting and borrowing practices are crippling our states' ability to do what only they can do—invest in the physical and human infrastructure the country needs to thrive. Making this case is Ravitch's current public endeavor and it deserves immediate attention from both public officials and private citizens.

Newfield reminds us that in April 1999 Giuliani had only a 40 percent approval rating. A year later his divorce lawyer was savagely attacking his wife, Donna Hanover, while the mayor was flaunting his mistress in public. As a result, Giuliani's popularity plummeted again in the spring of 2000. He was almost a laughingstock when he withdrew from his Senate campaign against Hillary Clinton. He looked like a control freak who had lost control of himself. Then came 9/11, and Giuliani re-emerged as an international celebrity. He took charge when the towers fell, and he displayed leadership when others were dumbstruck. He was named Time magazine's "Person of the Year," the avatar of the stricken city. He did a victory lap around the country, raising money for Republican candidates and giving speeches for 100,000 a pop; he may rake in 10 million over the next year. Yet even as he became a part of pop iconography, celebrated as "America's Mayor," Giuliani was still loathed in some black neighborhoods in the city. People in Brownsville, Texas, might have thought of him as their mayor, but blacks in Brownsville, Brooklyn, did not. In The Full Rudy Newfield gives the devil his due, conceding that New York City did become a better place to live during Giuliani's two terms. He was skilled at solving problems that lent themselves to the application of a military-style strategy but he was a mayor of excess, a mayor of missed opportunities, political opportunism, and stunning harshness. Photographs and cartoons add to this Emmy award-winning journalist's myth-busting portrait. "In a time when American journalism is getting its share of slings and arrows ... Newfield stands out as a national treasure."—Peter Maas "He writes with the sharp eye of the trained observer and the engaged heart of a humanist."—Budd Schulberg " He is the loudest liberal voice in a time of timid whispers. Newfield's hands ... pull out the truth."—Jimmy Breslin "Newfield has made it his life's mission to uncover and share significant truths about important people and events."—Mario Cuomo

In 1944, when New York City native Harriet Keyserling arrived in the small South Carolina town of Beaufort, she found herself in an environment that seemed foreign to her. Coming to Beaufort with her husband - a native son and local physician - she was a liberal northerner in the conservative South and a Jew in a predominantly Christian world. These religious and political differences only intensified her feelings of being an outsider - a thread that would run through much of her life and career. After successfully raising four children and professionally volunteering for most of her adult life, Keyserling became involved in state and local politics. Driven by passion for the causes she supports, she organized a chapter of the League of Women Voters, became the first woman to serve on the Beaufort County Council, and, at the age of fifty-four, was elected to the state General Assembly. She served for sixteen years before retiring in 1992, when the growing rancor and partisanship of the legislature became intolerable for her. Against the Tide tells the intensely personal story of an unconventional politician struggling to gain self-confidence, beat the odds, and make a lasting dif

“Laws are like sausages,” Otto von Bismarck is said to have remarked. “It is better not to see them being made.” Even among sausage factories, New York State’s legislature is notoriously dysfunctional, but as Tales from the Sausage Factory reminds us, this was not always the case. Indeed, in the early 1980s, New York’s legislature was a model of professionalism. Cowritten by former state legislator Daniel Feldman and political scientist Gerald Benjamin, Tales from the Sausage Factory offers an up-close look at how law and public policy are made in New York State. Drawing on Feldman’s experiences as a member of the New York State Assembly from 1981 to 1998, the book focuses on four major battles over public safety policy in the 1980s and 1990s—organized crime control, the Rockefeller drug laws, sex offender notification, and gun control. Not afraid to name names along the way, Feldman and Benjamin show how politics works in New York State and how major public policy questions are decided (both in the legislature and the courts), as well as how New York’s legislature might rise above its present dysfunction to recover the professionalism it once had. At a time when frustration with at state government is at an all-time high, Tales from the Sausage Factory is a much-needed reminder of what we can—and should—expect from our state legislators.

An irreverent portrait of Arnold Schwarzenegger and the state of California present a series of witty and incisive commentaries on such topics as politics, the water supply, mansions, fund raising, earthquakes, celebrities, TV crews who rent one's house to film a detergent ad, spiritual advisers, and more. 60,000 first printing.

Allan Spear had a long and distinguished career as a historian and as a Minnesota state senator. Perhaps best known for coming out as openly gay during his first term in the Minnesota Senate-becoming one of the first elected officials in the nation to do so-Spear was also a leader of Eugene McCarthy's run for the presidency, an organizer against the war in Vietnam, and a key proponent for the establishment of the African-American studies department at the University of Minnesota. Spear's memoirs are fascinating and moving: in early chapters on his childhood and college years, he writes with great introspection about his growing self-awareness of being gay. Later he writes about his development as an intellectual, particularly as a white man fighting to win legitimacy for the study of African-American history and culture. During his time at the University of Minnesota, Spear became deeply involved with the Minnesota Democratic-Farmer-Labor Party (DFL) and the antiwar movement. At the same time, Spear became increasingly active in the emerging gay rights movement and began the process of coming out to his friends and colleagues. After a failed run for the Minnesota House in 1968, Spear was elected to the Minnesota Senate in 1972 and served as Senate president from 1993-2000. In 1993, he was instrumental in the passage of the Minnesota Human Rights Act, which protected LGBT people from discrimination in housing, education, and employment-an achievement he considered one of the finest of his career. A skilled parliamentarian, he remained a progressive leader in the legislature until his retirement in 2000. Spear passed away on October 11, 2008, leaving his memoir slightly incomplete. A stirring afterword by John Milton completes the story of Spear's life, chronicling the recognition of his accomplishments as a politician and activist during his final years.