Why is America living in an age of profound economic inequality? Why, despite the desperate need to address climate change, have even modest environmental efforts been defeated again and again? Why have protections for employees been decimated? Why do hedge-fund billionaires pay a far lower tax rate than middle-class workers? --Publisher.

Since its publication in 1976, Tom Paine and Revolutionary America hasbeen recognized as a classic study of the career of the foremost politicalpamphleteer of the Age of Revolution, and a model of how to integrate thepolitical, intellectual, and social history of the struggle for Americanindependence.Foner skillfully brings together an account of Paine's remarkable career witha careful examination of the social worlds within which he operated, in GreatBritain, France, and especially the United States. He explores Paine's politicaland social ideas and the way he popularized them by pioneering a new form ofpolitical writing, using simple, direct language and addressing himself to areading public far broader than previous writers had commanded. He shows whichof Paine's views remained essentially fixed throughout his career, whiledirecting attention to the ways his stance on social questions evolved under thepressure of events. This enduring work makes clear the tremendous impact Paine'swriting exerted on the American Revolution, and suggests why he failed to have asimilar impact during his career in revolutionary France. And it offers newinsights into the nature and internal tensions of the republican outlook thathelped to shape the Revolution.In a new preface, Foner discusses the origins of this book and the influencesof the 1960s and 1970s on its writing. He also looks at how Paine has beenadopted by scholars and politicians of many stripes, and has even been calledthe patron saint of the Internet.

Noting that the current period has much in common with the Colombian Age of Imperialism, during which Western Europe conquered most of the world, Chomsky focuses on various historical moments in this march of imperial power, up to and including the current axis where the U.S., Germany, and Japan share world economic control with the U.S. reveling in a monopoly of military might.

In this original investigative work, the bestselling authors of The Manchurian President expose one of the most important untold stories of the decade: how a nexus of radical socialist groups have seized political power, shaped Obama’s presidential agenda, and threaten the very future of our country. For decades, a radical socialist movement has been quietly infiltrating the major institutions of American power: our schools, our military, our economy, our media, and Congress itself. This progressive Red Army is an organized network consisting of numerous specialized groups that target specific policy areas while cooperating more broadly in a concerted decades-long campaign to transform America. Now, for the first time, investigative reporters Aaron Klein and Brenda J. Elliott not only expose the key players, organizations, and relationships in this radical network but chart their spheres of influence, their nefarious objectives, their role in shaping Barack Obama’s agenda, and their long-term plans for the nation. Among some of their finds, Klein and Elliott reveal the existence of a powerful “Marxist-socialist” bloc in Congress (explicitly formed as an arm of the Democratic Socialists of America) and examine its far-reaching goals in policy areas that affect all Americans, including the complete socialization of health care and comprehensive immigration reform, which seeks to change the very nature of the American electorate. The authors expose the shocking misinformation campaign behind Obama’s economic policies, discussing the crafting of the massive “stimulus” legislation, as well as his plans for future economic “reform.” In two chapters that every American must read, entirely new information is laid bare on the left’s unprecedented assault on our already over-liberalized education system. And in just one astonishing discovery, Klein and Elliott bring to light how federal stimulus money was used to fund an education group tied to radical educator (and unrepentant Pentagon bomber) Bill Ayers. The authors also expose the multipronged policy offensive aimed at disarming America by emboldening our enemies within and without, spurning traditional allies, subjecting us to the authority of foreign tribunals, and systematically dismantling the U.S. military. The authors also detail how elements of the news media not only collude with these radical groups, but are in some cases members of the very same extremist organizations they ought to be investigating. This radical network runs far deeper than the Obama administration and, if not stopped, will far outlast his presidency. From health care and manufacturing to immigration and environmental policy, Red Army documents how these radical groups are working to spread America’s wealth and transform the country into their vision of a socialist utopia.

2013 Reprint of 1928 Edition. Full facsimile of the original edition, not reproduced with Optical Recognition Software. This is still one of the best discussions of the 19th century Utilitarian movement in England-the rise of the Benthamites and the conflict between the growing economic philosophy and older philosophies that emphasized human and social values. Halevy discusses Locke, Newton, Gay, Hartley, Hume, Bentham, Adam Smith, Burke, Godwin, Malthus, James Mill, Ricardo, Grote and others. Remains a standard work to this day.

"Stephen H. Norwood has written the first systematic study of the American far left's role in both propagating and combating antisemitism. This book covers Communists from 1920 onward, Trotskyists, the New Left and its black nationalist allies, and the contemporary remnants of the New Left. Professor Norwood analyzes the deficiencies of the American far left's explanations of Nazism and the Holocaust. He explores far left approaches to militant Islam, from condemnation of its fierce antisemitism in the 1930s to recent apologies for jihad. Norwood discusses the far left's use of long-standing theological and economic antisemitic stereotypes that the far right also embraced. The study analyzes the far left's antipathy to Jewish culture, as well as its occasional efforts to promote it. He considers how early Marxist and Bolshevik paradigms continued to shape American far left views of Jewish identity, Zionism, Israel, and antisemitism"--