"In his final book before his death, Primo Levi returns once more to his time at Auschwitz in a moving meditation on memory, resiliency, and the struggle to comprehend unimaginable tragedy. Drawing on history, philosophy, and his own personal experiences, Levi asks if we have already begun to forget about the Holocaust. His last book before his death, Levi returns to the subject that would define his reputation as a writer and a witness. Levi breaks his book into eight essays, ranging from topics like the unreliability of memory to how violence twists both the victim and the victimizer. He shares how difficult it is for him to tell his experiences with his children and friends. He also debunks the myth that most of the Germans were in the dark about the Final Solution or that Jews never attempted to escape the camps. As the Holocaust recedes into the past and fewer and fewer survivors are left to tell their stories, The Drowned and the Saved is a vital first-person testament. Along with Elie Wiesel and Hannah Arendt, Primo Levi is remembered as one of the most powerful and perceptive writers on the Holocaust and the Jewish experience during World War II. This is an essential book both for students and literary readers. Reading Primo Levi is a lesson in the resiliency of the human spirit."--Publisher description.

The government of any community by the members of that community is widely praised and almost universally agreed to be the best of governmental forms. But it is not so well or so deeply understood as it ought to be. This book, DEMOCRACY, is a thorough analytical account of the philosophy of democracy, in six Parts. Part One is a discussion of the nature of democracy -- what it is, and what it is not. Democracy is government through the participation of its members or citizens. Understanding its nature fully requires an understanding of the several dimensions of participation: its breadth, its depth, and its range. Part Two explains the presuppositions of democracy. Some underlying community, and the recognition of that community by its members, is presupposed, as is also a membership exhibiting a substantial degree of rationality. Part Three analyzes the instruments of democracy. Agreed upon decision-making rules is a primary instrument. Majority rule, having many variations, is only one such rule, and there are likely to be different rules for decisions of different kinds. Equally essential in almost every democracy is some representative system, since direct democracy is feasible only in limited contexts. Part Four gives a lengthy account of the conditions of democracy -- the circumstances that must be realized if democracy is to succeed. Five kinds of conditions are analyzed. (1) The material conditions of democracy are critical. These include the environment in which democracy can thrive, the mechanical needs of an electoral system, and most important, the economic conditions of democracy. (2) The constitutional conditions of democracy protect the rights that citizens in a democracy must be free to exercise. Freedom is not identical with democracy, but is required by it. Most critical is the right to speak, criticize, and publish freely. (3) The intellectual conditions of democracy concern the capacity of the citizens to understand the issues they will confront. Even the most rational citizens must receive the education that self-government requires. (4) The psychological conditions of democracy -- the spirit of criticism and self-confidence, the willingness compromise and to accept electoral defeat, the realism and flexibility that the complexities of politics require, are all conditions without which democracy cannot succeed. (5) The protective conditions of democracy are made necessary by the reality of serious threats, external and internal. Democracies must be prepared to defend themselves in war, but must keep military institutions under control. Those who would undermine the democracy from within, even if inadvertently, must be defended against without vitiating rights that democratic citizens must enjoy. Part Five deals with the intellectual defense of democracy. Over the long run democracy is vindicated by the freedoms and other social circumstances it tends to promote. Democracy tends to produce just laws and a loyal citizenry, as well as encourage the peaceful resolution of disputes. More deeply, democracy is justified by a full understanding of its moral foundation, the fundamental equality of its members. The only system of government that can recognize this equality concretely is the one that gives to each community member the right to an equal voice in its direction. Part Six addresses the prospects of democracy over the near and long term future. In most of the nations of the world, but not all of them, the prospects for democracy over the near term are good. But over the long term increasing population and the increasing difficulty of maintaining the conditions of democracy render its prospects much less promising. Increasing material inequalities, and above all increasing educational and intellectual inequalities, make it probable that over most of the globe democracy is not likely to meet with lasting success.

Few documents have had more of an impact on the course of history as has the Communist Manifesto. From its famous opening lines--"A specter is haunting Europe: the specter of Communism"--to its final rallying cry--"Workers of the world unite!"--the words of Marx and Engels have moved millions to join in the struggle against capitalism. But they have also inspired a legion of critics, detractors, and even a few despots to intentionally distort their meanings so as to sow confusion and justify untold horrors. According to Hal Draper, these mis-readings have, in part, been made possible by the enduring prevalence of translations from the original German that fail to accurately capture the intended meaning of certain key phrases. In this magisterial volume, Draper assembles the original German text, the first English translation, the officially authorized English translation--providing enlightening commentary throughout--as well as his own new translation of the pamphlet.

This is the second installment of Hal Draper’s incomparable treatment of Marx’s political theory, policy, and practice. In forceful and readable language, Draper ranges through the development of the thought of Marx and Engels on the role of classes in society. This series, Karl Marx’s Theory of Revolution, represents an exhaustive and definitive treatment of Marx’s political theory, policy, and practice. Marx and Engels paid continuing attention to a host of problems of revolution, in addition to constructing their “grand theory.” All these political and social analyses are brought together in these volumes, as the author draws not only on the original writings of Marx and Engels but also on the sources that they used in formulating their ideas and the many commentaries on their published work. Draper’s series is a massive and immensely valuable scholarly undertaking. The bibliography alone will stand as a rich resource for years to come. Yet despite the scholarly treatment, the writing is direct, forceful, and unpedantic throughout, and will appeal to the beginning student as much as the advanced reader.