"In this classic work of economic history and social theory, Karl Polanyi tracks the economic and social changes brought about by the "great transformation" of the Industrial Revolution. He pays particular attention to capitalism's rise and its role in fundamentally altering life after the Industrial Revolution. This seminal analysis explains not only the deficiencies of the self-regulating market, but the potentially dire social consequences of untempered market capitalism"-- Provided by publisher.

A personal, journalistic ethnography of the modern American working class, based on the travels and interactions of the author through the American heartland. " Second Class is the most important book you will read all year. A political realignment is coming, and it's my hope that the end result will work in favor of our all-too-neglected American working class. When that realignment comes, Batya and her book will help lead the way." --Greg Lukianoff, CEO of the Foundation for Individual Rights in Education, and co-author of The Coddling of the American Mind Who is the American working class? Do they still have a fair shot at the American Dream? What do they think about their chances to secure the hallmarks of a middle-class life? While writing this book, Batya Ungar-Sargon visited states across the nation to speak with members of the American working class who are fighting tooth and nail to survive. In Second Class , working-class Americans of all races, political orientations, and occupations share their stories--cleaning ladies, health care aides, cops, truck drivers, fast food workers, electricians, and more. In their own words, these working-class Americans explain the struggles and triumphs of their increasingly precarious lives--as well as what policies they think would improve them. Second Class combines deep reporting with a look at the data and expert opinions on America's emergent class divide, in which the most basic elements of a secure and stable life are increasingly out of reach for those without a college education. America has broken its contract with its laboring class. So, how do we get back to the American Dream? How do we once again become the land of opportunity, the promised land, where hard work and commitment to family are enough to protect you from poverty? It's not that hard actually. All it would take, as this book illustrates, is for those in power to once again respect the dignity of work--and the American worker.

"Award-winning journalist Julia Ioffe tells the story of modern Russia through the history of its women, from revolution to utopia to autocracy. In 1990, seven-year-old Julia Ioffe and her family fled the Soviet Union. Nearly twenty years later, Ioffe returned to Moscow-only to discover just how much Russian society had changed while she had been living in America. The Soviet women she had known growing up-doctors, engineers, scientists-had seemingly been replaced with women desperate to marry rich and become stay-at-home moms. How had Russia gone from portraying itself as the vanguard of world feminism to the last bastion of conservative Christian values? In Motherland, Ioffe turns modern Russian history on its head, telling it exclusively through the stories of its women. From her own physician great-grandmothers to Lenin's lover, a feminist revolutionary; from the hundreds of thousands of Soviet girls who fought in World War II to the millions of single mothers who rebuilt and repopulated a devastated country; from the members of Pussy Riot to Yulia Navalnaya, wife of opposition leader Alexei Navalny, she chronicles one of the most audacious social experiments in history and how it failed the very women it was meant to liberate-and documents how that failure paved the way to the revanche of Vladimir Putin. Part memoir, part journalistic exploration, part history, Motherland paints a portrait of modern Russia through the women who shaped it. With deep emotion, Ioffe shows what it means to live through the cataclysms of revolution, war, idealism, and heartbreak-and reveals how the story of Russia today is inextricably tied to the history of its women"-- Provided by publisher.

"In his final book before his death, Primo Levi returns once more to his time at Auschwitz in a moving meditation on memory, resiliency, and the struggle to comprehend unimaginable tragedy. Drawing on history, philosophy, and his own personal experiences, Levi asks if we have already begun to forget about the Holocaust. His last book before his death, Levi returns to the subject that would define his reputation as a writer and a witness. Levi breaks his book into eight essays, ranging from topics like the unreliability of memory to how violence twists both the victim and the victimizer. He shares how difficult it is for him to tell his experiences with his children and friends. He also debunks the myth that most of the Germans were in the dark about the Final Solution or that Jews never attempted to escape the camps. As the Holocaust recedes into the past and fewer and fewer survivors are left to tell their stories, The Drowned and the Saved is a vital first-person testament. Along with Elie Wiesel and Hannah Arendt, Primo Levi is remembered as one of the most powerful and perceptive writers on the Holocaust and the Jewish experience during World War II. This is an essential book both for students and literary readers. Reading Primo Levi is a lesson in the resiliency of the human spirit."--Publisher description.

Following on from Noam Chomsky's bestselling September 11 , this hard-hitting book presents the most up-to-date thinking on war, terrorism and the new global order by one of America's most articulate historians and a high profile defender of civil rights.

"Part activist memoir, part crash course in Jewish and Palestinian history, Genocide Bad dismantles Zionist propaganda and maps a course towards collective liberation in ten unapologetic essays. Drawing connections between Biblical promises and exploding pagers, medieval dress codes and modern-day apartheid, Kern sketches a sweeping history of imperialism with their characteristic blend of far-ranging research, pop-culture insights, and scathing humor. Kern, a former teacher, journalist, novelist, and book influencer, gained international recognition as an anti-Zionist Jewish activist in the days after October 7th, 2023. At a time when social media was flooded with 'I Stand with Israel' posts, Kern started sharing content encouraging their followers to read Palestinian books, learn Palestinian history, and question Western reporting on Palestine--videos which went viral into tens of millions of views. Despite facing hate messages, death threats, and exile from the Zionist Jewish community, Kern has remained steadfast in their advocacy over the past year. They've posted daily videos on Palestinian, Jewish, and colonial history, and they've raised over $500,000 in direct aid for families in Gaza--all while navigating the challenges of pregnancy, childbirth, and parenting a newborn. In Genocide Bad, Kern reflects on the life experiences that led them to anti-Zionist activism, while capturing and expanding upon their online educational content. Kern doesn't flinch when confronting the horrors of genocides past and present, but there is also tremendous hope contained in these pages--hope that springs from examples of courage and resilience in the face of extreme violence, and from the kinds of resistance that might just lead to our collective liberation."--

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The government of any community by the members of that community is widely praised and almost universally agreed to be the best of governmental forms. But it is not so well or so deeply understood as it ought to be. This book, DEMOCRACY, is a thorough analytical account of the philosophy of democracy, in six Parts. Part One is a discussion of the nature of democracy -- what it is, and what it is not. Democracy is government through the participation of its members or citizens. Understanding its nature fully requires an understanding of the several dimensions of participation: its breadth, its depth, and its range. Part Two explains the presuppositions of democracy. Some underlying community, and the recognition of that community by its members, is presupposed, as is also a membership exhibiting a substantial degree of rationality. Part Three analyzes the instruments of democracy. Agreed upon decision-making rules is a primary instrument. Majority rule, having many variations, is only one such rule, and there are likely to be different rules for decisions of different kinds. Equally essential in almost every democracy is some representative system, since direct democracy is feasible only in limited contexts. Part Four gives a lengthy account of the conditions of democracy -- the circumstances that must be realized if democracy is to succeed. Five kinds of conditions are analyzed. (1) The material conditions of democracy are critical. These include the environment in which democracy can thrive, the mechanical needs of an electoral system, and most important, the economic conditions of democracy. (2) The constitutional conditions of democracy protect the rights that citizens in a democracy must be free to exercise. Freedom is not identical with democracy, but is required by it. Most critical is the right to speak, criticize, and publish freely. (3) The intellectual conditions of democracy concern the capacity of the citizens to understand the issues they will confront. Even the most rational citizens must receive the education that self-government requires. (4) The psychological conditions of democracy -- the spirit of criticism and self-confidence, the willingness compromise and to accept electoral defeat, the realism and flexibility that the complexities of politics require, are all conditions without which democracy cannot succeed. (5) The protective conditions of democracy are made necessary by the reality of serious threats, external and internal. Democracies must be prepared to defend themselves in war, but must keep military institutions under control. Those who would undermine the democracy from within, even if inadvertently, must be defended against without vitiating rights that democratic citizens must enjoy. Part Five deals with the intellectual defense of democracy. Over the long run democracy is vindicated by the freedoms and other social circumstances it tends to promote. Democracy tends to produce just laws and a loyal citizenry, as well as encourage the peaceful resolution of disputes. More deeply, democracy is justified by a full understanding of its moral foundation, the fundamental equality of its members. The only system of government that can recognize this equality concretely is the one that gives to each community member the right to an equal voice in its direction. Part Six addresses the prospects of democracy over the near and long term future. In most of the nations of the world, but not all of them, the prospects for democracy over the near term are good. But over the long term increasing population and the increasing difficulty of maintaining the conditions of democracy render its prospects much less promising. Increasing material inequalities, and above all increasing educational and intellectual inequalities, make it probable that over most of the globe democracy is not likely to meet with lasting success.

Few documents have had more of an impact on the course of history as has the Communist Manifesto. From its famous opening lines--"A specter is haunting Europe: the specter of Communism"--to its final rallying cry--"Workers of the world unite!"--the words of Marx and Engels have moved millions to join in the struggle against capitalism. But they have also inspired a legion of critics, detractors, and even a few despots to intentionally distort their meanings so as to sow confusion and justify untold horrors. According to Hal Draper, these mis-readings have, in part, been made possible by the enduring prevalence of translations from the original German that fail to accurately capture the intended meaning of certain key phrases. In this magisterial volume, Draper assembles the original German text, the first English translation, the officially authorized English translation--providing enlightening commentary throughout--as well as his own new translation of the pamphlet.

This is the second installment of Hal Draper’s incomparable treatment of Marx’s political theory, policy, and practice. In forceful and readable language, Draper ranges through the development of the thought of Marx and Engels on the role of classes in society. This series, Karl Marx’s Theory of Revolution, represents an exhaustive and definitive treatment of Marx’s political theory, policy, and practice. Marx and Engels paid continuing attention to a host of problems of revolution, in addition to constructing their “grand theory.” All these political and social analyses are brought together in these volumes, as the author draws not only on the original writings of Marx and Engels but also on the sources that they used in formulating their ideas and the many commentaries on their published work. Draper’s series is a massive and immensely valuable scholarly undertaking. The bibliography alone will stand as a rich resource for years to come. Yet despite the scholarly treatment, the writing is direct, forceful, and unpedantic throughout, and will appeal to the beginning student as much as the advanced reader.

Excerpt from Labor and the Employer Since the first volume of this compilation was prepared the industrial situation in the United States has grown more acute and the essential labor issues more sharply defined. During the war, workingmen and employers gave to the Government a loyal and united service, in shop and mine no less than on the field, which promised to lay broad foundations for an era of good-will and cooperation during the reconstruction and in peace-time relations for years to come. But in the period since the end of hostilities three factors especially have conspired to disappoint or at least postpone these hopes. There has been a continuing pressure of high living costs, where relief was anticipated; an unwillingness of various employing interests to extend to labor in industrial dealings the recognition accorded, at least tacitly, in the many plans and programs jointly undertaken and worked out during the war, and, on the other side, a renewed, widespread and determined effort of radical elements to capitalize the ideas and emotions of the war upheaval for revolutionary propaganda. All three of these factors have affected the mood of labor in many quarters, and lent new force for the time being to the "boring from within" tactics of socialist and syndicalist factions in the trade-union movement. In such a situation, the views of the chief authoritative exponent of American trade-unionism on the outstanding topics discussed in the present volume are at this moment directly to the point. The issues are literally those around which industrial unrest for the most part centers. Thereby the volume adds an immediate practical interest to the permanent educational value which thoughtful students of the unfolding movements of the time will readily see in it. The first volume, Labor and the Common Welfare, embodies Mr. Gompers' interpretation of labor's relation to the well-being of the whole community. The present volume goes to the heart of the ever-present concrete problems of employment relations. About the Publisher Forgotten Books publishes hundreds of thousands of rare and classic books. Find more at www.forgottenbooks.com This book is a reproduction of an important historical work. Forgotten Books uses state-of-the-art technology to digitally reconstruct the work, preserving the original format whilst repairing imperfections present in the aged copy. In rare cases, an imperfection in the original, such as a blemish or missing page, may be replicated in our edition. We do, however, repair the vast majority of imperfections successfully; any imperfections that remain are intentionally left to preserve the state of such historical works.