The number one New York Times bestselling author of Bias delivers another bombshell—this time aimed at . . . 100 People Who Are Screwing Up America No preaching. No pontificating. Just some uncommon sense about the things that have made this country great—and the culprits who are screwing it up. Bernard Goldberg takes dead aim at the America Bashers (the cultural elites who look down their snobby noses at "ordinary" Americans) . . . the Hollywood Blowhards (incredibly ditzy celebrities who think they're smart just because they're famous) . . . the TV Schlockmeisters (including the one whose show has been compared to a churning mass of maggots devouring rotten meat) . . . the Intellectual Thugs (bigwigs at some of our best colleges, whose views run the gamut from left wing to far left wing) . . . and many more. Goldberg names names, counting down the villains in his rogues' gallery from 100 all the way to 1—and, yes, you-know-who is number 37. Some supposedly "serious" journalists also made the list, including the journalist-diva who sold out her integrity and hosted one of the dumbest hours in the history of network television news. And there are those famous miscreants who have made America a nastier place than it ought to be—a far more selfish, vulgar, and cynical place. But Goldberg doesn't just round up the usual suspects we have come to know and detest. He also exposes some of the people who operate away from the limelight but still manage to pull a lot of strings and do all sorts of harm to our culture. Most of all, 100 People Who Are Screwing Up America is about a country where as long as anything goes, as one of the good guys in the book puts it, sooner or later everything will go. This is serious stuff for sure. But Goldberg will also make you laugh as he harpoons scoundrels like the congresswoman who thinks there aren't enough hurricanes named after black people, and the environmentalist to the stars who yells at total strangers driving SUVs—even though she tools around the country in a gas-guzzling private jet. With Bias, Bernard Goldberg took us behind the scenes and exposed the way Big Journalism distorts the news. Now he has written a book that goes even further. This time he casts his eye on American culture at large—and the result is a book that is sure to become the voice of all those Americans who feel that no one is speaking for them on perhaps the most vital issue of all: the kind of country in which we want to live.

The unholy alliance of the Political Right and the Religious Right threatens to destroy the America we love. It also threatens to generate a popular aversion to God and religion by identifying religious values with a pro-war, pro-business, pro-rich, anti-science, and anti-environmental stance. Over the past few decades, the Republicans have achieved political dominance by forging a union with the Religious Right. This marriage has provided a sanctimonious veneer for policies that have helped the rich get richer while ignoring the needs of the middle class and the poor, dismantling environmental and civil liberties protections, and seeking global domination. The Right champions the materialism and ruthless selfishness promoted by unrestrained capitalism and then laments the moral crises of family instability and loneliness experienced by people who bring these commercial values into their homes and personal lives. In response, the Religious Right offers insular communities for the faithful and a culture that blames liberals, activist judges, homosexuals, independent women, and all secular people for the moral and spiritual emptiness so many Americans experience. Yet, however distorted both the Right's analysis and its solutions to America's spiritual crisis may be, it wins allegiance by addressing the human hunger for a life with some higher purpose. The Left, by contrast, remains largely tone-deaf to the spiritual needs of the American people. It is the yearning for meaning in life, not just the desire for money or power, that lies at the core of American politics. Addressing the central mystery of contemporary politics -- why so many Americans vote against their own economic interests --" The Left Hand of God" provides an invaluable, timely, and blunt critique of the current state of faith in government. Lerner challenges the Left to give up its deeply held fear of religion and to distinguish between a domination-oriented, Right-Hand-of-God tradition and a more compassionate and hope-oriented Left-Hand-of-God worldview. Further, Lerner describes the ways that Democrats have misunderstood and alienated significant parts of their potential constituency. To succeed again, Lerner argues, the Democratic Party must rethink its relationship to God, champion a progressive spiritual vision, reject the old bottom line that promotes the globalization of selfishness, and deal head-on with the very real spiritual crisis that many Americans experience every day. Lerner presents a vision that incorporates and then goes far beyond contemporary liberal and progressive politics. He argues for a new bottom line in our economy, schools, and government. This is a fundamentally fresh approach, one that takes spiritual needs seriously in our economic and political lives. Presenting an eight-point progressive spiritual covenant with America, Lerner provides a blueprint for how the Democratic Party can effectively challenge the Right and position itself to win the White House and Congress. By appealing to religious, secular, and spiritual but not necessarily religious people, "The Left Hand of God" blazes a trail that could change our world and reclaim America from the Religious Right.

"Climate change is the unifying crisis of our time. But the scale of the problem can be paralyzing, especially when corporations are actively staving off changes that could save the planet but which might threaten their bottom lines. To quote Greta Thunberg, despite very clear science and very real devastation, the adults at the table are still saying "blah blah blah." Something has to change--but what, and how? In What's Left, Malcolm Harris cuts through the noise and gets real about our remaining options for saving the world. Just as humans have caused climate change, we hold the power to avert a climate apocalypse, but that will only happen through collective political action. Harris outlines the three strategies--progressive, socialist, and revolutionary--that have any chance of succeeding, while also revealing that none of them can succeed on their own. What's Left shows how we must combine them into a single pathway: a meta-strategy, one that will ensure we can move forward together rather than squabbling over potential solutions while the world burns." -- Provided by publisher.

The government of any community by the members of that community is widely praised and almost universally agreed to be the best of governmental forms. But it is not so well or so deeply understood as it ought to be. This book, DEMOCRACY, is a thorough analytical account of the philosophy of democracy, in six Parts. Part One is a discussion of the nature of democracy -- what it is, and what it is not. Democracy is government through the participation of its members or citizens. Understanding its nature fully requires an understanding of the several dimensions of participation: its breadth, its depth, and its range. Part Two explains the presuppositions of democracy. Some underlying community, and the recognition of that community by its members, is presupposed, as is also a membership exhibiting a substantial degree of rationality. Part Three analyzes the instruments of democracy. Agreed upon decision-making rules is a primary instrument. Majority rule, having many variations, is only one such rule, and there are likely to be different rules for decisions of different kinds. Equally essential in almost every democracy is some representative system, since direct democracy is feasible only in limited contexts. Part Four gives a lengthy account of the conditions of democracy -- the circumstances that must be realized if democracy is to succeed. Five kinds of conditions are analyzed. (1) The material conditions of democracy are critical. These include the environment in which democracy can thrive, the mechanical needs of an electoral system, and most important, the economic conditions of democracy. (2) The constitutional conditions of democracy protect the rights that citizens in a democracy must be free to exercise. Freedom is not identical with democracy, but is required by it. Most critical is the right to speak, criticize, and publish freely. (3) The intellectual conditions of democracy concern the capacity of the citizens to understand the issues they will confront. Even the most rational citizens must receive the education that self-government requires. (4) The psychological conditions of democracy -- the spirit of criticism and self-confidence, the willingness compromise and to accept electoral defeat, the realism and flexibility that the complexities of politics require, are all conditions without which democracy cannot succeed. (5) The protective conditions of democracy are made necessary by the reality of serious threats, external and internal. Democracies must be prepared to defend themselves in war, but must keep military institutions under control. Those who would undermine the democracy from within, even if inadvertently, must be defended against without vitiating rights that democratic citizens must enjoy. Part Five deals with the intellectual defense of democracy. Over the long run democracy is vindicated by the freedoms and other social circumstances it tends to promote. Democracy tends to produce just laws and a loyal citizenry, as well as encourage the peaceful resolution of disputes. More deeply, democracy is justified by a full understanding of its moral foundation, the fundamental equality of its members. The only system of government that can recognize this equality concretely is the one that gives to each community member the right to an equal voice in its direction. Part Six addresses the prospects of democracy over the near and long term future. In most of the nations of the world, but not all of them, the prospects for democracy over the near term are good. But over the long term increasing population and the increasing difficulty of maintaining the conditions of democracy render its prospects much less promising. Increasing material inequalities, and above all increasing educational and intellectual inequalities, make it probable that over most of the globe democracy is not likely to meet with lasting success.