What nearly happened during the Trump years could have been so much worse: the USA came close to wars, abuses of power, cruelty, and dysfunction at the highest levels of our government. Rothkopf shows that a small number of men and women, many from the top ranks of the Trump administration-- life-long Republicans-- risked everything to honor their oaths to the Constitution. Many of the worst and most dangerous ideas of a rogue president were defeated by the very people he put in positions of trust. Rothkopf celebrates a vital victory-- but offers a bleak warning for the future. -- adapted from jacket

For many, the name of Adolf Eichmann is synonymous with the Nazi murder of six million Jews. As a perpetuator of the Final Solution he stands alongside Adolf Hitler and Heinrich Himmler as one of history's most notorious murderers, yet ever since Hannah Arendt's seminal book, "Eichmann in Jerusalem: A Report on the Banality of Evil", there has been disagreement about the essence of Eichmann and by extension, about the definition of evil action. Was he a human monster or a petty bureaucrat? To what degree did the totalitarian organization to which he belonged absolve him and his staff from individual choice and responsibility for atrocities? This title looks at the words and actions of Eichmann and the bureaucrats he worked with in Berlin and throughout the more significant Gestapo offices in Western Europe. It claims that Hannah Arendt's thesis about the banality of evil was wrong. In chilling detail, it presents a group of people completely aware of what they were doing, people with high ideological motivation, people of initiative and dexterity who contributed far beyond what was necessary. While most of these bureaucrats sat behind desks rather than behind machine guns, there was nothing banal about the role they played in the destruction of European Jewry>

The failed attempt on Hitler's life in July 1944 was the work of members of Germany's conservative elite, who sought to save their country from the disaster brought about by Hitler and the Nazis. Examines the ideals and motives of German resisters, many of whom were army officers, upper-level civil servants, or religious leaders. Ch. 4 (pp. 65-79), "That Perennial 'Jewish Question', " contends that most of the resisters supported racial antisemitism and believed that it was necessary to reduce Jewish influence in Germany. The most vocal antisemites among them were the Protestant clergy, and especially Otto Dibelius. The Catholic clergy were less hostile toward Jews, since they also suffered from discrimination, but they would not support the Jews for fear of endangering the Catholic community. Dietrich Bonhoeffer was the only resister who condemned Nazi antisemitism, but even he felt that there was a need to solve the "Jewish question." Most of the resisters were repelled by the Nazis' brutal treatment of the Jews, but their primary concern was for the future of Germany.

A provocative and disturbing look at the ways new economic facts are shaping our personal and social values. The distinguished sociologist Richard Sennett surveys major differences between earlier forms of industrial capitalism and the more global, more febrile, ever more mutable version of capitalism that is taking its place. He shows how these changes affect everyday life--how the work ethic is changing; how new beliefs about merit and talent displace old values of craftsmanship and achievement; how what Sennett calls "the specter of uselessness" haunts professionals as well as manual workers; how the boundary between consumption and politics is dissolving. In recent years, reformers of both private and public institutions have preached that flexible, global corporations provide a model of freedom for individuals, unlike the experience of fixed and static bureaucracies Max Weber once called an "iron cage." Sennett argues that, in banishing old ills, the new-economy model has created new social and emotional traumas. Only a certain kind of human being can prosper in unstable, fragmentary institutions: the culture of the new capitalism demands an ideal self oriented to the short term, focused on potential ability rather than accomplishment, willing to discount or abandon past experience. In a concluding section, Sennett examines a more durable form of self hood, and what practical initiatives could counter the pernicious effects of "reform."

The spread and increasing power of bureaucracy - the accelerated growth of large-scale, centralized administrative structures - is one of the most noticed and discussed phenomena of our time. It now cuts across the distinction between capitalism and communism, democracy and dictatorship, "the Western world" and the organized despotisms of empires and Oriental "agro-managerial" societies. It bids fair to dominate our future, but it has also shaped our past. The concept of "bureaucracy" is as important as its uses are varied, unexamined and confused. In this book, separate chapters describe the ancient bureaucracies of Egypt, China, Mesopotamia and, later, in the New World, the development and perception of bureaucracy in Europe, capitalism and bureaucracy, socialism and bureaucracy in the the post-industrial world. The work seeks both historical understanding and conceptual clarification - it is concerned with bureaucracy as a major and lasting social phenomenon.