"A timely, topical book grounding Russia's recent turn towards conservativism in pre-1917 culture and explaining what this shift could mean for the rest of the world" ; "There is no question that tensions between Russia and America are on the rise. The forced annexation of Crimea, the downing of Malaysia Airlines flight 17, and the Russian government's treatment of homosexuals have created diplomatic standoffs and led to a volley of economic sanctions. Much of the blame for Russia's recent hostility towards the West has fallen on steely-eyed President Vladimir Putin, and Americans have begun to wonder if they are witnessing the rebirth of Cold War-style dictatorship. Not so fast, argues veteran historian Walter Laqueur. For two decades Laqueur has been ahead of the curve, predicting events in post-Soviet Russia with uncanny accuracy. In Putinism, he deftly demonstrates how three long-standing pillars of Russian ideology: a strong belief in the Orthodox Church, a sense of Eurasian 'manifest destiny, ' and a fear of foreign enemies, continue to exert a powerful influence on the Russian populace. As a result, Putin may well be much more a servant of his people than we think. Topical and provocative, Putinism contains much more than historical analysis. Looking to the future, Laqueur explains how the tendency to view Russia as a Cold War relic is dangerous and premature. Russia can, and will, continue to challenge the West so it is in our best interest to figure out exactly who it is we are facing--and what they want--before it is too late"

This text argues that science has established itself as the only legitimate form of human knowledge. The author asserts that the norms of science are by no means self-evident and that it is best seen as a socially constructed discourse that legitimates its power by presenting itself as truth.

Aron (b. 1905) was a prominent political and social theorist in France after World War II. In his 1955 Opium des intellectuels, published by Calmann Levy, he identifies three myths of radical thought as the Left, the Revolution, and the Proletariat. Appended is his 1956 defense of the work, Fanaticism, Prudence, and Faith, modified slightly from the translation that appeared in Marxism and the Existentialists (Simon and Schuster, 1970). There is no index or bibliography. Annotation copyrighted by Book News Inc., Portland, OR

This intensely interesting—and troubling—book is the product of a lifetime of reflection and study of democracy. In it, John Lukacs addresses the questions of how our democracy has changed and why we have become vulnerable to the shallowest possible demagoguery. Lukacs contrasts the political systems, movements, and ideologies that have bedeviled the twentieth century: democracy, Liberalism, nationalism, fascism, Bolshevism, National Socialism, populism. Reflecting on American democracy, Lukacs describes its evolution from the eighteenth century to its current form—a dangerous and possibly irreversible populism. This involves, among other things, the predominance of popular sentiment over what used to be public opinion. This devolution has happened through the gigantic machinery of publicity, substituting propaganda—and entertainment—for knowledge, and ideology for a sense of history. It is a kind of populism that relies on nationalism and militarism to hold society together. Lukacs's observations are original, biting, timely, sure to inspire lively debate about the precarious state of American democracy today.

Steven Goldberg has devoted his career to exposing fallacious reasoning, misrepresented fact, and ideological agendas in the social sciences. His scholarly critiques offer alternative, and sometimes controversial, explanations that are notable for their logical integrity and loyalty to empirical reality. Best known for his work in the physiological roots of sex differences, he has also written on a myriad of other subjects, which, as he bluntly states, "are as fallaciously reasoned in professional journals as in the cocktail party conversations that naively repeat the errors first propounded in those journals." In this new collection of essays he is as lively, interesting, and provocative as ever. Among the subjects addressed are the validity of intelligence tests, group differences, the death penalty, sex differences in aggression and cognition, the family, abortion, and the nature of modern society. Also included are a couple of polemics, observations on the O. J. Simpson trial, and a moving encomium to his hero, Jackie Robinson. Goldberg's work has been praised by reviewers as "persuasive and accurate"(Margaret Mead); "coolly, tightly, even brilliantly reasoned" (Morton Kaplan); and "the most significant . . . on the subject in decades" (Murray Rothbard). Readers who appreciate razor-sharp rigor and logical elegance will be richly rewarded by these essays on many of the most hotly contested issues of the social sciences.

The events of 2016 - Brexit and Trump - broke the mould which shaped ideas of democracy, politics and social identity. Gilad Atzmon argues that in the post-political universe in which we live, Left and Right have become indistinguishable and meaningless. Much of humanity has been reduced to serving the interests of big money and oligarchies. The freedom to think openly is now just a distant memory. Being in Time is a courageous attempt to grasp the intellectual developments that led towards the current dystopia. Book jacket.

This book uncovers the basic contradictions between contemporary China's complex ideological marketplace and Western liberalism. It describes and puts into critical context three versions of Western liberalism (those of F. A. Hayek, John Rawls, and John Dunn), three versions of Chinese liberalism (those of Yang Kuo-shu, Li Qiang, and Ambrose Y.C. King), two versions of modern Confucian humanism (those of T'ang Ch ̧n-i, and Henry K.H. Woo), and various versions of Chinese Marxism, including Kao Li-k'o's in the early 1990s and some of the recent New Left writings. It shows that all these Chinese political theories, not only Chinese Marxism, depend on a number of premises at odds with Western liberalism, especially epistemological optimism and an extravagantly optimistic concept of political practicability. It also argues that not only these Chinese theories but also Western liberalism have failed to offer adequate normative guidelines for the improvement of political life. This study combines a deep understanding of the history of Chinese thought with a strong grasp of modern philosophical trends and an innovative methodology for the description and criticism of political theories. It will be useful to students of modern Chinese intellectual history, of political philosophy, of political culture, of the comparative study of cultures, and of U.S.-Chinese relations.