In "Ill Fares The Land," Tony Judt, one of our leading historians and thinkers, reveals how we have arrived at our present dangerously confused moment and offers the language we need to address our common needs, rejecting the nihilistic individualism of the far right and the debunked socialism of the past. To find a way forward, Judt argues that we must look to our not so distant past and to social democracy in action: to re-enshrining fairness over mere efficiency.

"The ideas of capitalism's most vigorous and eloquent enemy have been enlightening in every era, the author contends, and our current historical situation of free-market extremes suggests that reading Marx may be more important now than ever. Hobsbawm begins with a consideration of how we should think about Marxism in the post-communist era, observing that the features we most associate with Soviet and related regimes--command economies, intrusive bureaucratic structures, and an economic and political condition of permanent was--are neither derived from Marx's ideas nor unique to socialist states. Further chapters discuss pre-Marxian socialists and Marx's radical break with them, Marx's political milieu, and the influence of his writings on the anti-fascist decades, the Cold War, and the post--Cold War period. Sweeping, provocative, and full of brilliant insights, How to Change the World challenges us to reconsider Marx and reassess his significance in the history of ideas."--Publisher's website.

"In publishing Marx's Concept of Man in 1961, Erich Fromm presented to the English-speaking world for the first time Karl Marx's then recently discovered Economic and Philosophical Manuscripts. Including the Manuscripts and many other philosophical writings by Marx as well as Fromm's own extended response, many of these writings have since become recognised as important works in their own right. Fromm stresses Marx's humanist philosophy and challenges both contemporary Western ignorance of Marx and Soviet corruptions of his work. Fromm's analysis of Marx's work and his dissemination of these neglected writings by Marx himself fundamentally altered the prevailing discourse about Marxism, revolutionising contemporary thought and providing a formative influence for the development of the New Left"--

George Orwell was one of the most significant literary figures on the left in the twentieth century. While books such as Nineteen Eighty-Four, Animal Farm, and Homage to Catalonia are regarded as modern classics, his own politics are less well understood. The author offers a sympathetic yet critical account of Orwell's political thinking and its continued significance. The book details Orwell's attempts to change working-class consciousness, and considers if his attitude towards the working class was romantic, realistic, or patronizing--or all three at different times. The author asks whether Orwell's anti-fascism was eclipsed by his criticism of the Soviet Union, and explores his ambivalent relationship with the Labour Party. The book also examines Orwell's changing views on the Second World War--from opposition to Britain entering the war to his later condemnations of pacifism. Focusing on the enduring interest in Orwell today, this is a unique, nuanced account which demonstrates that Orwell remained a committed socialist up until his death.

Is Marxism really dead, or can it play a positive role in creating a just and fulfilling society? This study responds to these questions with a penetrating assessment of Marxism from its origins to the present day. Roger Gottlieb provides an incisive overview of the content, strengths and weaknesses of Marx's own work, and demonstrates how the socialist and communist movements between 1880 and 1935 betrayed the original vision of Marxism. He argues that theory was "reborn" in Western Marxism and socialist-feminism, and offers lucid accounts of their theories of social structure, oppression and revolution. The concluding chapters focus on important contemporary concerns: Marxist theories of present-day capitalism; current debates between Marxism and other radical perspectives, including postmodernism; and Marxism's confrontation with socially engaged spirituality. This study provides a thoughtful dialogue on the meaning of Marxism in the modern world.

Appeals to readers interested in Marxism and communism, trade unions and labour history.[Bokinfo]

No political parties of present-day Germany are separated by a wider gulf than the two parties of labor, one democratic and reformist, the other totalitarian and socialist-revolutionary. Social Democrats and Communists today face each other as bitter political enemies across the front lines of the Cold War; yet they share a common origin in the Social Democratic Party of Imperial Germany. How did they come to go separate ways? By what process did the old party break apart? How did the prewar party prepare the ground for the dissolution of the labor movement in World War I, and for the subsequent extension of Leninism into Germany? To answer these questions is the purpose of Carl Schorske's study.

Everyone knows that in socialism private companies are replaced by state enterprises which employ wage-workers in order to produce profits which accrue to the state. 'Not so!' say the authors of this book. In the nineteenth century, socialists as different as Marx and Kropotkin were agreed that socialism means a marketless, moneyless, wageless, classless, stateless world society. Subsequently this vision of non-market socialism has been developed by currents such as the Anarcho-Communists, Impossibilists, Council Communists, Bordigists and Situationists. By tracing this development, this book challenges the assumptions of both supporters and opponents of what is conventionally regarded as socialism.

After Ludwig von Mises's death in 1973, his wife, Margit von Mises, went through his unpublished and out-of-print essays and selected twenty-one of the essays for publication. The result was Money, Method, and the Market Process, published in 1990 by Kluwer Academic Publishers and the Ludwig von Mises Institute and reissued now by Liberty Fund. In his introduction to the book, Richard Ebeling describes it as a "convenient composite of Misesian economics.'" He says that the essays here touch on "almost every aspect of economic and social theory that Mises considered of paramount importance. The essays were written over a period of forty years, from the 1930s to the 1960s, so they serve as a wide sampling of Mises's thought on a wide range of subjects, and they are arranged thematically. The three essays in the first section, on "Method," discuss the differences between the social and natural sciences and include some of Mises's thoughts on the science of human action. The essays in the next section, on "Money," discuss inflation and money in economic exchange, and they include Mises's analysis of why stabilizing the price level will not necessarily stabilize economic activity. This leads readers to the section on "Trade," where Mises warns of the danger of international conflict in a world without free trade. There are seven essays on "Comparative Economic Systems," and they include detailed studies on capitalism versus socialism, the cooperative movement, the Russian Reform Movement, and equality and inequality. Under the heading of "Ideas," the final two essays are "The Role of Doctrines in Human History" and the well-known piece called "The Idea of Liberty Is Western". --

Nearly five centuries after the first wave of Catholic missionaries arrived in the New World to spread their Christian message, contemporary religious workers in the Bolivian highlands have begun to encourage Aymara Indians to return to traditional ritual practices. All but eradicated after hundreds of years of missionization, the "old ways" are now viewed as local cultural expressions of Christian values. In order to become more Christian, the Aymara must now become more Indian. This groundbreaking study of the contemporary encounter between Catholic missionaries and Aymara Indians is the first ethnography to focus both on the evangelizers and the evangelized. Andrew Orta explores the pastoral shift away from liberation theology that dominated Latin American missionization up until the mid-1980s to the recent "theology of inculturation," which upholds the beliefs and practices of a supposedly pristine Aymara culture as indigenous expressions of a more universal Christianity. Addressing essential questions in cultural anthropology, religious studies, postcolonial studies, and globalization studies, Catechizing Culture is a sophisticated documentation of the widespread shift from the politics of class to the politics of ethnicity and multiculturalism.

Henryk Grossman is best-known as a Marxist economist but he also wrote valuable political texts as a leader of the revolutionary organisation of Jewish workers in the Polish province of Austria, before the First World War, as a member of the Communist Workers Party of Poland, during the early 1920s, and as a Marxist academic during the early 1930s. These writings dealt with the political situation, tactics and strategy of Jewish Social Democratic Party of Galicia, the initial reception of Marxism in Poland and then substantial entries on left wing movements, organisations and individuals in a multi-volume reference work.

This 1994 book examines the development of the modern idea of militarism from its inception in the 1860s until the outbreak of World War I. Often regarded as the archetypical militarist state, imperial Germany in fact witnessed a major controversy over the issue, which became a touchstone of political opposition. Issues like the arms race and the military-industrial complex displaced more traditional concerns about authoritarian rule, and militarism gradually acquired its modern meaning. The book is part of a wider discovery by historians of the way political identities and ideas intermeshed, contributing to the rise of civil society and new types of politics in modern Europe. The political history of the main protagonist of anti-militarism, German social democracy, is examined, as Nicholas Stargardt reveals the lasting influence of older radical traditions and reappraises the role played by its espousal of Marxism.

The Jewish experience on Polish lands is often viewed backwards through the lens of the Holocaust and the ethnic rivalries that escalated in the period between the two world wars. Critical to the history of Polish-Jewish relations, however, is the period prior to World War I when the emergence of mass electoral politics in Czarist Russia led to the consolidation of modern political parties. Using sources published in Polish, Yiddish, Hebrew, and Russian, Joshua D. Zimmerman has compiled a full-length English-language study of the relations between the two dominant progressive movements in Russian Poland. He examines the Polish Socialist Party (PPS), which sought social emancipation and equal civil rights for minority nationalities, including Jews, under a democratic Polish republic, and the Jewish Labor Bund, which declared that Jews were a nation distinct from Poles and Russians and advocated cultural autonomy. By 1905, the PPS abandoned its call for Jewish assimilation, and recognized Jews as a separate nationality. Zimmerman demonstrates persuasively that Polish history in Czarist Russia cannot be fully understood without studying the Jewish influence and that Jewish history was equally infused with the Polish influence.